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Chapter 4: Water GLOBAL GENDER AND ENVIRONMENT OUTLOOK Energy Chapter 2


which acknowledges that people’s intimate needs are socially intertwined and culturally embedded (Tilley et al. 2013). Such an approach is necessary not only in order to address the specific needs and preferences of women, but to create spaces where taboo personal activities can be carried out without exposure to danger and shame.


Access to toilets is a prerequisite for full public participation and citizenship (Plaskow 2008). In most of the world, women do not have the same access to toilets as men. In the UN-Habitat report State of Women in Cities 2012-2013 sanitation and the burden of disease associated with unsafe sanitation was the most commonly identified infrastructure barrier to women’s prosperity (UN-Habitat 2013). In this survey across a range of cities, women ranked their access to sanitation as considerably less advanced than their access to other types of infrastructure such as transport (Table 2.2.2).


Provision of public toilets often discriminates against women. In Mumbai, India,


there are 40% fewer


public toilets for women than for men. The municipal government reportedly provided almost 6000 public toilets for men compared with 3536 for women; men had an additional publically provided 2466 urinals; and increasing the disparity, the urinals were free while women were charged to use their facilities (Yardley 2012). An even greater imbalance was reported in New Delhi, with 1534 public toilets for men and 132 for women (Yardley 2012).


Even in public spaces with the most modern toilet facilities, gender equality needs are seldom met. Women’s toilets typically have long queues, while men


Cities


1= least; 5: most Transport Water


Electricity Sanitation


Telecommunications Recreational


66


Bangalore (India)


3.15 2.60 2.90 2.52 3.38 2.68


seldom wait long to use such facilities. Women also use them for longer periods for many reasons, including menstruation, social expectations around childcare (children typically use such facilities with their mothers), and social norms in regard to femininity and more binding and cumbersome clothing than men (Chemaly 2015). When women are pregnant, disabled or infirm, these constraints are even greater. Yet the design and provision of public toilets typically take little account of these differences.


On a larger scale, toilet provision reflects broad equality struggles. The absence of public toilets for women is associated with the exclusion of women from public power, and from public spaces more generally. Women’s empowerment activists have sparked toilet access equality movements, including a global “right to pee” women’s movement (BBC 2015a). In many parts of the world, gay rights and transgender rights movements include, prominently, demands for appropriate toilet needs for sexual minorities and that recognize transgender choices (McGee 2016; Johnston 2016).


Lack of suitable sanitation provision in schools can prevent girls receiving an education. Schools without toilets, or with shared toilets, pose health and safety risks. They are also a significant cultural barrier that keeps girls away from these schools (Roma and Pugh 2012). One of every three primary schools in Africa does not have any toilet (Mundy et al. 2015). The evidence base on the relationship between schooling and sanitation is still undeveloped (Birdthistle et al. 2011), but most research suggests that girls’ school absences are directly related to sanitation provision. In Bangladesh, for example, when separate facilities


Table 2.2.2: Ranking by women of their access to different types of urban infrastructure


Johannesburg (South Africa)


3.33 3.48 3.34 3.25 3.34 3.19


Kampala (Uganda)


2.93 2.97 2.88 2.98 3.11 2.87


Kingston (Jamaica)


3.70 3.92 3.96 3.41 4.02 3.28


Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)


2.53 3.09 3.23 2.59 3.18 2.78


Source: UN-Habitat (2013)


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