SCP
Cross-cut Chapter 3 GLOBAL GENDER AND ENVIRONMENT OUTLOOK Food Fish
Box 2.4.1: Components of household ecological footprints – examples from Canada and the United Arab Emirates (% of total household demand, 2010)
Chapter 4: Water Forest Ontario, Canada Energy
food 28
United Arab Emirates 23 Chapter 2
mobility 16 21
goods 18 19
housing 14 17
Source:EWS-WWF (2010); Global Footprint Network (2010)
Box 2.4.2: Shares of total marketed world energy use by end-sector users, 2011
Industrial
Transportation Residential Commercial
51% 20% 18% 12%
Source: United States Energy Information Administration (2015).
Within households, food is typically the highest demand sector. Situating the footprint of food consumption in the end-using household sector ignores the reality that this footprint actually comprises all emissions resulting from the production, transportation and storage of the food that is eventually consumed in the household. For example, in the United States the production of food (including planting, growing and harvesting crops and feeding and rearing livestock) accounts for 83% of the carbon footprint of household-based food consumption and its transportation accounts for 11% (Center for Sustainable Systems 2015).
As countries, households and individuals become wealthier, they consume more. However, generalizations about “richer” and “poorer” countries or regions do not necessarily provide adequate explanations of excess consumption and material use patterns at smaller scales. In the richer countries overall, the consumption and environmental costs gap at individual or household levels is enormous. A 2013 study in Switzerland, for example, showed that only 21% of the households in one mid-sized community were responsible for 50% of total greenhouse gas emissions; if their emissions were halved, the community’s total emissions would therefore be reduced by 25% (Saner 2013).
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Understanding the intra-household gender dynamics of consumption requires even more nuanced analysis. For developed countries the prevailing assumption is that, following traditional gender roles, women do most of the shopping for households. But there is little evidence to support the widespread corollary assumption that
Chapter 1
being the “principal shopper” in the household also means that women make the majority of decisions about household purchases. Taking on a shopping role does not necessarily mean that women have greater agency and autonomy in decision-making about consumption. Gender analysts caution that “Evidence that women played a role in making decisions which were of little consequence or which were assigned to women anyway by the pre- existing gender division of roles and responsibilities, tell us far less about their power to choose than evidence on decisions which relate to strategic life choices or to choices which had been denied to them in the past” (Kabeer 1999).
Assumptions about women’s control of household- based consumption choices often prove to be wrong when micro-scale analysis is available. For example, in the 1990s kerosene (parrafin) continued to be the principal fuel used for cooking in many poor townships in South Africa despite its dangers (e.g. flammability, toxicity) and despite the wide availability of safer gas and electricity. An analysis in one township revealed that the choice to continue using kerosene was embedded in a wide range of cultural, social and economic aspects of gender relations and the local economy. Buying, selling and using kerosene were considered women’s work, while men were more involved in providing and paying for electricity and gas. Men therefore resisted a shift away from kerosene since it increased their obligation with respect to family budgets, while many women preferred kerosene because they could obtain it informally by borrowing from friends when cash was short (Bank 1997).
These caveats aside, the evidence that women play important roles, across cultures, as major household consumers and sometimes decision-makers suggests that women can play a significant role in shifting towards sustainable consumption. Women’s ownership of assets, control of income, and degree of authority in household financial decision-making also results in distinctive expenditure patterns: in households with
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