66 CHAPTER 4


saw too much education as counterproductive to marriage (Adato et al. 2007). In these cases, people’s choices may be the best ones for them, given local economic or sociocultural realities. There are also reasons that poverty, culture, and historical processes of social exclusion and discrimination may prevent people from participating in activities regardless of the benefits. In these cases, it can be the very people most in need of cash transfers who are excluded.


The example of parents’ decisions not to educate girls or fostered chil-


dren speaks to another issue in this debate, that of power relations within households. Households are not a homogenous entity with one will, which would exhibit one unified expression of autonomy. Rather, they are fraught with unequal power relations in which the will of more powerful members is imposed on the less powerful; a common example is seen in decisions about educating girls. For some families in Van Province in Turkey, the conditionality provided state legitimation for choices that challenged powerful biases against girls’ schooling, allowing women to make the case to their husbands that they had to send their daughters to school (Adato et al. 2007). As in other cases of policies that enforce women’s rights or protect them from violence through legislation or education campaigns, the state can be a force for positive (though perhaps not in everyone’s eyes) social change, providing women with new options. Finally, with respect to issues of power and choice, there are other gender


dimensions of CCTs. These relate to the central role that CCTs give women with respect to receiving program benefits as well as carrying out program responsibilities. The benefits provide women with new sources of power through cash, and the responsibilities they incur provide them with new knowledge and opportunities to engage in the public sphere. These responsibilities also involve an added time burden. Molyneux (2006) is concerned that CCTs depend on normatively ascribed women’s responsibilities, retraditionalizing women’s roles and leaving men out of any shared responsibility for meeting program goals related to family care, thus leaving the social relations of reproduction unchallenged. Discussions of a broad range of gender issues related to CCTs is found in Adato, Feldman, and Karelina (2009) and in Adato and Roopnaraine (2010b).


Political Economy An argument in support of conditionality is that it is important for maintain- ing political support for CCTs. This has two main dimensions. One relates to social attitudes toward the poor. Where poverty is seen as related to a lack of effort or responsibility (as Handa and Davis [2006] explain is the case in Latin America), setting reciprocal obligations makes programs more palatable


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