CASH TRANSFERS AND EDUCATION 103


crimination against girls in education. Another option would be to offer a supplemental transfer—above the amount of the standard transfer—to fami- lies that have all of their girls enrolled. But again, these designs would work only if other contextual aspects were right for conditioning transfers. There are also age differences in cash transfer impacts—with impacts tending to be higher at the youngest ages. This may reflect lower baseline enrollment at these younger ages, improved school readiness because of better diets, or an initial enthusiasm to send children to school that diminishes in subsequent years. Higher impacts at older ages also sometimes reflect lower baseline rates, as in the Latin American programs. Another interesting choice is between OAPs and household or child sup- port grants. Modeling of data from 15 African countries indicated that OAPs had a significant effect on girls’ schooling, whereas a UCT did not; however, whether real-world conditions would bear this out is untested, and evidence is needed to compare these two types of interventions in a given country’s context (a study in Zambia will provide this in the future). Thus far, evidence from these different types of grants alone show the impacts on children’s education of both, again with important gender dynamics and caveats. The proportion of OAPs spent on children’s education in Lesotho and Namibia also suggests that these pensions may be an effective means of improving enroll- ment and attendance rates. Given that many parents have died from AIDS and their children are left living with grandparents (“skip-generation house- holds”) and that children who have parents still live with grandparents for a variety of reasons, an OAP can be an effective way to reach children. In some countries, OAPs may also be more politically acceptable because the elderly are seen as a group more in need or deserving of government grants than families with adults who could, in theory, be working. However, there are also reasons that OAPs are likely to miss families and children in need. There are many children in families who do not have pensioners or whose pensioners may not be able or willing to spend their income on children’s education. There is also the risk that when the pensioner dies, the income will be cut off and the child will no longer be able to afford school. Ideally, a country with a good social protection system would have both types of grants, as in the case of South Africa. But where this is not yet viable and a major objective of a cash transfer is to keep children in school, a CSG given to each child is the more direct route for targeting. Still, there remain differences of opinion on this issue, and there is insufficient evidence to allow us to make definitive statements in a given country context.


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