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CASH TRANSFERS AND EDUCATION 99


program duration increases the school enrollment rate of girls ages eleven through eighteen by 12 percentage points, and has no discernible effect on boys’ enrollment (Khandker, Pitt, and Fuwa 2003, 24–25). Implemented in 2005, ROSC was designed to bring out-of-school children


to school with (1) a cash educational allowance for students and (2) grants to schools where these children enrolled. In 60 percent of the project area, both educational allowances and grants to schools were provided. In the remain- ing 40 percent of the area, only grants to schools were provided, but the amount of the grant was almost double the amount received by grant-plus- allowance schools. In grant-only areas, ROSC did not seem to bring about any significant net change in enrollment in primary school. In grant-plus-allowance areas, however, ROSC induced an average net increase in primary school enrollment of 8.9 percentage points for children ages six through fourteen and 10.6 percentage points for children ages six through eight, implying the importance of the demand-side stimulus over the supply-side stimulus alone. The actual increase in program areas was 21 percent, but the control areas also saw increased enrollment of 12.1 percent during the project period, resulting in the 8.9 percent program-related impact (Ahmed 2006). A CCT program in Pakistan also had an impact on girls’ secondary school opportunities. The Female Secondary School Stipend program in Punjab increased enrollment by 9 percentage points (Schady and Fiszbein 2007). The CCT program in Turkey had a strong objective of increasing education,


particularly for girls. It had little impact on primary school enrollment because of the high enrollment rate at baseline but had large effects for secondary school girls, increasing their enrollment by 10.7 percentage points. In rural areas, there was an increase of 16.7 percentage points in the prob- ability of enrollment in secondary school; for boys this impact was 22.8 per- centage points. The program increased primary school attendance for girls by 1.3 percentage points, and secondary school attendance for girls by 5.4 per- centage points. The program appears to have improved test scores for pri- mary school children, but, given the small impact on school attendance, the authors propose that the effect may have been through helping beneficiary households to make better use of the schooling inputs and increasing the attention given to schooling within the family. The program had no effect on the rate of progression from primary school to secondary school (Ahmed et al. 2007). Adato et al. (2007) used ethnographic research that helped to explain the education results, including the reasons that girls’ schooling rates did not increase more than they did, particularly in socially conservative parts of southeastern Turkey. Women’s primary roles as wife and mother and concerns over honor and reputation, compounded by the long distances that would need to be traveled to reach secondary schools and other issues, often over-


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