36 CHAPTER 3


whether orphans are disadvantaged with regard to schooling has received considerable research attention, but again the answer is not straightforward. Ainsworth and Filmer (2006) review 102 nationally representative datasets from 51 countries in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, and Latin America, examin- ing the relationships among parental survival, poverty, gender, and school enrollment. Comparing orphans to nonorphans, and controlling for enrollment differentials associated with economic status, statistically significant deficits in enrollment were found in 38 percent and 46 percent of the surveys for paternal and maternal orphans, respectively, climbing to 58 percent for double orphans. Associations between enrollment and the interaction of economic and orphan status have similarly varying results. There is a strong systematic association, however, between enrollment and economic status, indicating that wealth status is a much stronger predictor of enrollment than orphan status for paternal, maternal, and double orphans in most countries, although in fewer countries in the case of double orphans. Orphaned girls tend to be disadvantaged compared to boys, but not significantly different from girl non- orphans. The overall picture is one of a great deal of variation across coun- tries, implying the importance of context-specific policy interventions. A UNICEF analysis of DHS and Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey data for 24 coun- tries compared the school attendance of orphans and nonorphans and also found wide variation across countries (UNAIDS/UNICEF/WHO 2007). With respect to the question of targeting, the implication is that it makes more sense to work harder at reaching orphans in some contexts than in others. Countries with overall low enrollment rates among the poor can focus on the overall group and catch orphans in the process. In countries with overall high enroll- ment rates but large gaps among orphans, orphan-focused policies are more defensible, although these may require means other than unconditional cash transfers or other than cash transfers of any kind. Case, Paxson, and Ableidinger (2003) find a different outcome than Ains-


worth and Filmer (2006), particularly with respect to the importance of eco- nomic status, with somewhat different policy implications. Using 19 DHS sur- veys from 10 countries between 1992 and 2000, they find that paternal, maternal, and double orphans have significantly lower enrollment rates, in 8, 8, and 13 of the surveys, respectively. They also compare enrollment rates for orphans with those of nonorphans living in the same households, finding sig- nificantly lower enrollment rates for paternal, maternal, and double orphans in 9, 7, and 17 of the 19 surveys, respectively. Orphans tended to be poorer, on average, than nonorphans, but their enrollment rates were not explained by poverty or by gender differences, because orphaned girls were not dis- advantaged compared to orphaned boys. Schooling outcomes were affected instead by the “closeness of biological ties”; enrollment outcomes depend on


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