16 CHAPTER 2
tuations in consumption in order to avert the reduction of assets; (3) enabling people to save, invest in, and accumulate assets through reduction in risk and income variation; (4) building, diversifying, and enhancing the use of assets by reducing access constraints, directly providing or loaning assets, or building links with institutions; and (5) transforming institutions and economic, social, or political relationships. The programs in the oval represent a range of inter- ventions that provide forms of social protection. They are loosely placed under the objectives with which they are most normally associated. For example, a direct feeding scheme is usually used to secure a basic level of subsistence; health or asset insurance is often used to reduce risk and enable investment; a livelihoods program is most often used to build assets; a credit program giving women cash and skills can transform social relations inside her household. The programs are arranged loosely, however, to make a point: although
programs have tendencies to be used to achieve particular objectives, each can be used to achieve any of these five objectives. Whether they can depends, first, on how they are designed (and, importantly, the ability to implement the design as planned) and second, on the capacities that people have to take advantage of these design features. So, for example, depending on their design, a public works program may be used to (1) pay people to dig ditches so that they can earn wages that keep them from going hungry when a drought has damaged their crops or where chronic high unemployment robs them of alternatives; (2) keep people from selling off their livestock; (3) build roads to help poor farmers get crops to market or build clinics in poor, under- served areas; and (4) transform the capacities of community organizations where projects are managed by or in partnership with these organizations. In the same way, a cash transfer program can assist AIDS-affected families by, for example, (1) securing their basic subsistence when illness prevents them from working to secure a livelihood, (2) keeping children from leaving school because of an inability to pay fees or because labor is needed at home, (3) en- abling people to invest in a small income-generating activity, and (4) increas- ing the agency of communities where local organizations participate in tar- geting, monitoring, or service delivery.
Why a Focus on Cash Transfers? Figure 2.1 also illustrates another point that speaks to the question of why this monograph focuses primarily on cash transfers and not livelihoods inter- ventions, microcredit, or public works (although these are discussed in Chap- ter 9) in considering how to best support families affected by HIV and AIDS. Despite the potential of different program designs to achieve the range of objectives just stated, there are reasons that some programs are most often used to achieve certain objectives rather than others and are more likely to
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