CASH TRANSFERS AND EDUCATION 89


school attendance. In fact, the study found some evidence suggesting that the time spent on domestic chores fell for boys while rising for girls (Gilligan, Hod- dinott, and Taffesse 2007, 56–58). These gender differences found in Ethiopia and elsewhere highlight the importance of attention to reaching girls in pro- gram design (this could include, but is not limited to, CCTs). The remaining findings on the impact of UCTs on education come from assessments of how the cash transfer was spent or the general distribution of expenditures, looking at the proportion spent on education expenses (Figure 6.1). Although not an indication of the impact of grants on education, it does suggest that the grant helps parents to afford education. Some studies are specific with respect to the percentage of the grant or the overall in- come spent on education, while others report on whether or not some grant income was spent on education. Where proportions are included, the amount spent on education is usually seen to have been quite small, with food and food-related expenses by far the largest use of the grant. Given that the poor- est people normally spend a greater proportion of their income on food, this is to be expected and is not out of line with the main program objectives. Fur- thermore, expenditures on school expenses do not capture the contributions


Figure 6.1—Unconditional cash transfer spending on education Percentage spent


20


15


10


5


0


South Africa OAP


Zambia SCTS


Kenya cash transfer for OVC


Notes:


Mozambique INAS


Namibia pension


Sources: Devereux (2002); Moller and Ferreira (2003); Zambia, MCDSS/GTZ (2006); Acacia Consultants (2007).


In the case of Zambia’s Social Cash Transfer Scheme (SCTS), the figure represents the proportion of overall spending by beneficiaries on health. INAS = National Institute of Social Welfare.


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