East—have recently emerged as active partners in technical and economic cooperation in develop- ing regions, especially Africa. Official development assistance—or foreign aid—from the emerg- ing donors rose from US$4.6 billion in 2005 to US$10.4 billion in 2009 (Figure 2). Tese donors contributed about 10 percent of global aid flows in 2008.6 China is fast becoming a major investor in
Africa, although Chinese engagement in Afri- can agriculture is both more diverse and smaller than is generally perceived (see Box 12). In 2000, China moved to consolidate this cooperation by establishing the Forum on China–Africa Coopera- tion, which meets every three years. As part of this initiative, China has significantly boosted its aid budget in recent years, with a stronger emphasis on agricultural development. Overall aid from China to Africa is estimated to have almost quadrupled from US$684 million in 2001 to US$2,476 million in 2009.7 At the 2010 United Nations High-Level Meeting on the Millennium Development Goals, China pledged to establish 30 demonstration cen- ters for agricultural technologies in other develop- ing countries, dispatch 3,000 agricultural experts and technicians to these countries, and invite
FIGURE 2 Aid from emerging economies, 2005–09
10 12
2 4 6 8
0 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009
Source: Reproduced from K. Smith, Non-DAC Donors and Humanitar- ian Aid: Shifting Structures, Changing Trends (Somerset, UK: Develop- ment Initiatives, Global Humanitarian Assistance, 2011). Notes: Aid data are for official development assistance (ODA). OECD is Organ- isation for Economic Co-operation and Development; BRICS is Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa; and DAC is Development Assis- tance Committee.
5,000 agricultural personnel from these countries to China for training. By 2011, China had already established 14 centers for agricultural research in a number of African countries. India is also bolstering its cooperation with Africa. For example, the Africa–India Forum
■ ODA from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and UAE
■ Foreign assistance from BRICS
■ ODA from other non-OECD DAC members
for at least three years. During this time, Chinese experts will demonstrate how the centers can develop income-generation activities to boost sustainability (while also looking for new business opportuni- ties for their institutes and firms). In another experiment, Chinese com-
panies began to lease some of the old Chinese aid projects in the 1990s, as they were privatized: Sukula sugar complex in Mali, Magbass in Sierra Leone, and Koba in Guinea, for instance. In 2004, China’s Ministry of Commerce started to encour- age country-specific opportunities for Chinese agricultural investment: cotton in Egypt, fruit and nuts in Nigeria, sisal
in Tanzania, tobacco in Zimbabwe, and nonspecific crops in Zambia, Ethiopia, Guinea, Benin, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Cameroon. As of yet, few of the existing Chinese
investments in Africa appear to be larger than 5,000 hectares. Several larger Chinese biofuel projects proposed in Zambia (jatropha), Ethiopia (sugarcane), and the Democratic Republic of Congo (maize) have stalled or been abandoned. As a Chinese official commented in Tanzania: “Agriculture is risky. It is hard to have [a] ‘win–win.’” Land transfers frequently pres- ent food security risks for local
communities, and large Chinese farms are no exception. However, surprisingly little evidence exists for the common assumption that the Chinese plan to use African land for China’s own food security. China imports no grain from Africa—instead, cotton, sesame seeds, and tobacco head the list. Chinese agroprocessing companies have con- tractual partnerships with local small- holders who grow cotton (in Malawi, Mozambique, and Zambia) and tobacco (in Zimbabwe). The majority of Chinese farms appear to produce food for local markets. The evidence, at least for now, does not support the rumors.1
NEW PLAYERS 71
US $ Billion
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