Wildlife poisoning in Cambodia 897


FIG. 5 We fit generalized linear models to understand which variables predict constructs from the theory of planned behaviour. This figure shows the effect sizes of several variables on attitudes, descriptive norms and injunctive norms. The bars represent 95% confidence intervals. Intercept values are 4.080 for attitudes, 3.857 for descriptive norms, and 4.605 for injunctive norms. Normalized variables have been divided by their standard deviation.


(2%; Fig. 6). Among former poisoners, only one cited law enforcement as a reason for having stopped the practice. In five villages, local authorities reported action to deter


or punish poisoning, after receiving reports from members of the community or directly observing poisoning. Usu- ally, members of community protected area committees ob- served these incidents when patrolling. The first response is a verbal warning, but they may also be referred to the village chief. One chief asked offenders to sign a contract, a common practice in Cambodia, promising to refrain from poisoning. Informants perceived that these individually- targeted interventions were successful in deterring individ- ual hunters from using poison again. For example, one com- munity protected area chief claimed:


FIG. 6 Reasons given for not using poison, by 168 survey respondents who stated they hunt wildlife.


be a reason why conflict or sanctioning has rarely occurred. For example, in one focus group discussion participants believed that if a cow was poisoned it would not lead to an argument because they would be unable to identify the poisoner. An informant whose dog had been killed gave a similar explanation. The possibility of facing legal conse- quences was cited by four respondents across four villages, and by participants in two focus group discussions, as rea- son to conduct poisoning in secrecy. For example, one chief expected that most adults would phone the police if they saw children using poison. Another informant suggested that no one would talk to us about poisoning because of fear we would report them to the government. Nevertheless, among those who admitted hunting, legality was only of- fered as a reason not to use poison by three individuals


In 2013 we caught someone and brought him to the village chief. He had put a plastic bag in a hole in the waterhole and put a termite poison in [.. .]. If cattle had been poisoned, he would have to pay a big fine, but the [village] chief made him sign a contract [not to continue] and he has now stopped.. .


In three villages, preventive action had been taken at the community level. Two chiefs used village meetings to ask villagers not to use poison, and in one case also forbade shopkeepers from stocking the poison (although several informants indicated local stocks existed and a shopkeeper reacted angrily when we inquired). Another chief had re- ferred the issue to the commune chief, following which environment authorities came to hold a similar meeting. This chief also expressed the expectation that a fine should be levied if a hunter was known to have poisoned cattle. However, wildlife poisoning continues, and this was ac- knowledged by the chiefs, for example:


The villagers are all unhappy [about poisoning] [.. .]. Last year I told everyone at a meeting to not do it and forbade the shopkeepers to sell the poison, [...] but people continue to do it in secret.


Oryx, 2021, 55(6), 889–902 © The Author(s), 2020. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of Fauna & Flora International doi:10.1017/S0030605319001492


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