Wildlife poisoning in Cambodia 895


FIG. 3 The strength of evidence to support each statement or research question across all 10 villages. Villages 1–6 are in Kulen Promtep Wildlife Sanctuary (KPWS), and villages 7–10 in Chhep Wildlife Sanctuary (CWS). Triangles pointing downward indicate that the evidence contradicts, circles indicate that the evidence is neutral, and triangles pointing upward indicate that the evidence is in support of the statement on the left. Larger shapes indicate that the evidence is stronger for this conclusion. Blank squares indicate that the conclusion is not applicable (i.e. because poisoning is not thought to occur in a particular village) or that there is no evidence related to the statement. The top five rows are based on quantitative measurements using Likert scales. Evidence is considered weak if the SD overlaps with the centre of the next category (e.g. mean attitude is negative, but SD overlaps with centre of the neutral category). The bottom four rows are based on qualitative evidence, and subjective judgement of the evidence. Evidence is considered strong if more than three independent sources confirmed it.


poisoning, and other informants gave prevalence estimates as high as 70%, but many had decided to switch to nets because of health concerns. Poisoning was only acknowledged in three of the 20 focus


group discussions within the protected areas, as something done by other villagers or by outsiders. In remaining focus group discussions, participants claimed to know nothing about poisoning and discussions were generally character- ized by low levels of disagreement, perhaps reflecting pres- sures to produce socially-acceptable responses. This occurred in villages where other informants reported poisoning to be common. In one case such an informant was par- ticipating in the focus group discussion but remained si- lent on this point.Weelicited views aboutwaterhole poison- ing on a hypothetical basis. For example, in one discussion participants claimed not to know about poisoning but sug- gested that if it were happening, it would be done in secret to avoid legal repercussions.When asked who else might dis- approve of the practice, a male participant stated: ‘If people in the village knew this was happening, they would be un- happy as it could kill their cattle’.


In the same village, multiple informants indicated that


poisoning was occurring, and the chief reported having raised the issue at a meeting. The chief estimated that c. 30% of households used poison, but that they ‘are not among [his] friends’. One young man informed us that a lot of people in the village are unhappy about the practice. A woman in this village told us: ‘Everyone in the village knows this happens and many people don’t even like using pesticides on their crops but will poison animals’. In another village, one male informant reported that poi-


soning was widespread in the past, but that now only c. 50% of the village continued to use this method.He suggested that those who had stopped became concerned about the health effects and were unhappy about the risk posed to livestock. Another man gave a similar estimate for prevalence and be- lieved that althoughmost others might refuse to buy poisoned meat because of health concerns, they do not mind that it occurs and prefer to avoid arguments. Nevertheless, some are unhappy about lost access to waterhole fisheries. The chief downplayed the prevalence of poisoning as just ‘four or five households’ andstatedthatitnever ledtoarguments.


Oryx, 2021, 55(6), 889–902 © The Author(s), 2020. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of Fauna & Flora International doi:10.1017/S0030605319001492


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