894 E. de Lange et al. Motivations and key actors


PLATE 2 Packaging of one of the most commonly available ‘termite poisons’ as (a) sold in a provincial market, and (b) resold in a village shop. This is a carbamate, which is banned in many countries, and is restricted in Cambodia (Royal Government of Cambodia, 2012). Photo: authors.


domestic animals and human health. Concerns raised in- cluded reduced availability of clean water, and lost fishing grounds. Poisoning at waterholes was seen as indiscriminate and many informants reported seeing a wide variety of wildlife killed, including species of conservation concern (Supplementary Table 2). Many were unable to identify the species they had observed but reported seeing large numbers of dead animals. Informants in three villages complained their dogs had


been poisoned. Similarly, two village chiefs reported cattle having died after drinking poisoned water. Therewere wide- spread concerns about consuming poisoned meat; many respondents across all types of questioning gave direct or indirect accounts of symptoms, including diarrhoea, stom- ach aches, chest, intestinal or joint pain, fever, tiredness, hot eyes, thirst and dizziness. One traditional doctor in a village where the pilot study was conducted reported the death of a young boy who consumed poisoned meat whilst suffering malaria, although this could not be corroborated. Some re- spondents who admitted having used poison had stopped after suffering stomach aches, but others had not suffered any symptoms. Other informants attributed symptoms to other factors such as the meat being unwashed, or did not consider the symptoms significant. There was a widespread belief that removing the internal organs and head of the ani- mal renders the meat safe to eat. During the pilot study, one male participant of a focus group discussion summarized these beliefs:


A few men have had stomach aches after eating poisoned birds, but they continue to eat. It is of low concern, and they avoid eating the internal organs for this reason [.. .]. Some who have experienced this have switched to using nets, but not all [.. .]. The stomach pain is mild and happens after a lot of meat is eaten, there is no diarrhoea [.. .]. They don’t worry enough to go to the doctor, and not even all men experience this.


Most reports were of villagers using poison to catch food for household consumption, including six individuals (partici- pants of one focus group discussion) who had themselves en- gaged in poisoning, and almost all of the 34 informants who had indirect knowledge of poisoning. Informants in three vil- lages explicitly denied the existence of trade in poisonedmeat when asked, but one informant reported that trade with the nearest market was occurring, and another described trade occurring within another village. Sharing surplus poisoned meat with relatives and neighbours was more common. Further reports from two villages indicated that workers from nearby agro-industry concessions used poison to de- fend crops from cattle encroachment. Similarly, in one fo- cus group discussion participants implicated soldiers sta- tioned nearby. One chief suggested that poisoning may be done in retaliation, or out of jealousy, by conservation rule- breakers who had been excluded from the benefits of conser- vation programmes. Most informants stated that poisoning is practised pre-


dominantly by young men of up to c. 30 years of age, to pro- vide meat for their families. Some informants suggested that poorer households are more likely to use this method. For example, one male informant explained the motivations of a friend: ‘He had no work and is poor, and wanted to eat meat.’


Other informants suggested that wealthier households


were also likely to use the method, one explaining that poison was too expensive for him. From four villages we obtained reports that children older than c. 12 years were using poison. We spoke to a mother who admitted that her children used this method and were taught by a shopkeeper. Although she did not condone the practice, the family shared the meat within the household. Shop- keepers may be a source of knowledge about these meth- ods. Informants reported that adults may also learn the method from sellers at local markets, through personal experimentation, or from other villagers. For example, one informant learnt the method from his father, who in turn was taught by a neighbour.


Village perceptions


During one pilot focus group discussion, poisoning was discussed openly, and multiple male participants admitted to practising it. In this village, informants and discussants claimed that wildlife poisoning was not illegal and spoke in detail about the practice. Participants claimed they dis- cussed this practice with each other and learnt from each other, such as when eating wild meat at a relatives’ home and enquiring about its origin or asking acquaintances about their dinner plans. Others knew not to catch fish at poisoned waterholes. Half of participants had practised


Oryx, 2021, 55(6), 889–902 © The Author(s), 2020. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of Fauna & Flora International doi:10.1017/S0030605319001492


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