Women and wildlife crime 837
TABLE 1 The typology of Phelps et al. (2016) for key actor roles in wildlife crimes, with examples frompeer-reviewed (P), non-peer reviewed (N) and theoretical (T) sources. The designation ‘theoretical’ was assigned to peer-reviewed or non-peer reviewed literature that did not specify gender but where the involvement of women was theoretically plausible.
Roles
Harvesters Subsistence
Specialist commercial
Opportunist Local guide
Rule abuser Bycatch
Recreational Reactionary
Intermediaries Logistician
Examples P: Turtle eggs, Nicaragua (Madrigal-Ballestero & Jurado, 2017)
P: Freshwater fishers, Tanzania (Medard, 2012); N: Woman arrested for tiger poaching & trade of meat/parts, India (Shukla, 2011)
T: Sea turtle & egg poaching, Ghana (Tanner, 2013)
T: Out-of-town poachers rely on local accommodation, food & logistical assistance in Kruger National Park, South Africa (Hübschle, 2017)
P: Checking snares set by husbands & smuggling out bushmeat, Uganda (Anagnostou et al., 2020) T: Traditional traps & netting small fish in the intertidal zone by women, East Africa (Harper et al., 2013)
T: Poaching among recreational fishers in no-fishing reserves, Australia’s Great Barrier Reef Marine Park (Bergseth et al., 2017)
T: Farmers set snares & traditional traps in agricultural fields in Namibian conservancies (Kahler et al., 2013) P: Bushmeat, Cameroon (Edderai & Dame, 2006)
Specialized smuggler N: Father & daughter ivory smuggling, India (Mitra, 2019) Government colluder T: Corruption by border agents, police or rangers, Uganda (Moreto et al., 2015) Third party Processor Launderer Vendor
N: 10 women couriers of tiger skins & skeletons, India (UPI, 2007) P: Bushmeat, East Africa (Lowassa et al., 2012)
P: Thai sex workers as bogus hunters, South Africa (Hübschle, 2014) P: Philippines full-time fishmongers (Turgo, 2015)
Consumers Medicinal
Ornamental Cultural Gift
Investment Recreational Animal food
Construction materials
Fuel Food
N: Vietnamese shopkeeper selling bear bile & pangolin scales (Tan, 2018) P: Jewellery from animal products, Viet Nam (McElwee, 2012)
N: Woman arrested for possession of 523 star tortoises, India (Salunke & Chatterjee, 2018) N: Women purchase & receive shatoosh shawls made from Tibetan antelope fur (Rayner, 2013) T: Stockpiling totoaba swim bladders by wealthy Chinese (Hance, 2016) T: Hobbyists who buy illegally sourced songbirds, Brazil (de Oliveira et al., 2020) T: Use of protected area fodder resources to feed livestock, Rwanda (Munanura et al., 2018) T: Illegal collection of rattan, Ghana (Obour et al., 2015)
P: Fuelwood markets near Malawi National Park (Abbot & Mace, 1999) P: Bushmeat, East Africa (Lowassa et al., 2012); N: Bushmeat consumption, Angola (BBC News, 2016)
primarily viewed as a masculine endeavour (Edderai & Dame, 2006; Lowassa et al., 2012; McElwee, 2012; Sollund, 2020), and cultural taboos can prohibit women from partici- pating in these activities. Empirical investigations have indicated that men are
more likely to be the perpetrator of non-environmental (e.g. Kruttschnitt, 2013) and wildlife-associated crimes (Sollund, 2020). However, there is evidence that women are also involved in wildlife crime (e.g. Hübschle, 2014; Agu & Gore, 2020). Furthermore, there is evidence in crim- inology that the gender gap in crime statistics is influenced, although not completely explained, by the differential tar- geting of men by law enforcement (e.g. Kruttschnitt, 2013) and this may extend to conservation. For example, suspi- cions have been voiced by rangers in Murchison Falls Protected Area, Uganda, that women often had knowledge of and participated in wildlife crimes precisely because they were less likely than men to be suspected and therefore not subject to enforcement (Anagnostou et al., 2020).
An exploration of the peer-reviewed and non-peer-
reviewed literature indicates there is more evidence for women serving as intermediaries, such as processors or vendors, or consumers, than as harvesters (Table 1). We as- signed theoretical roles to give examples of peer-reviewed or non-peer-reviewed literature that does not specify the gender of the offender, but where the plausible involvement of women is posited. For example, Harper et al. (2013) de- scribed the paucity of research and consideration of wo- men in the fisheries sector, but did not discuss women within the context of illegal fisheries. Theoretical roles are used to represent five of the eight harvester types, one of seven intermediary categories, and four of the 10 consumer categories (Table 1), indicating areas of potential future re- search on women’s involvement in wildlife crime. However, there are also gaps in knowledge regarding the involvement of men. For example, there is little literature on the preva- lence and behaviour of opportunist, local guides and by- catch harvesters regardless of gender.
Oryx, 2021, 55(6), 835–843 © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of Fauna & Flora International doi:10.1017/S0030605321000193
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