Women and sacred forests 831
mostly during festivals such as the annual Saptah, but did not enter the temple, worshipping from outside. Women were primarily given the responsibility to cook for the feasts and to clean. In other festivals such as the Saath, performed before sowing and harvesting of crops, only men partici- pated in the rituals. Women spoke of the taboos that restricted their move-
ment in and around sacred forests. They were not allowed to enter some sacred forests nor any of the temples dedi- cated to the male deities, particularly that of Vandev. Men and children (including young girls) could enter the temple and worship. As one woman stated, ‘We women do not enter the temple. Only men enter the temple’ (C3; age c. 65). As access to temples was denied to women, they had no reason to enter the sacred forests other than during festivals or other special occasions. An exception to this rule is that women were allowed in
temples and sacred forests dedicated to female deities such as Kalamjai. But even in places where women were allowed to enter the sacred forest or the temple or both, they were forbidden to do so during menstruation or if they were preg- nant. As one woman said, ‘Women do not enter the sacred forest if menstruating. They go around the sacred forest’ (D1; age c. 60). The main taboos responsible for the maintenance of sa-
cred forests were prohibitions on tree cutting and extraction of fuelwood. These were widely mentioned taboos and most women said they adhered to it. One respondent stated, ‘It is God’s forest, that’s why we don’t even burn the fuelwood from there. We follow the rules. We don’t cut wood from the sacred forest at all. The fuelwood from the sacred forest is not to be used in the kitchen. The way we believe in the deity similarly we also believe in the trees’ (B17; age 40). Most of the women believed that if they break the taboos
regarding fuelwood extraction or enter the sacred forests or the temple, this would anger the deity and could result in harmful consequences. Taboos and rules were followed be- cause they were traditional and ancestral. For instance, a young woman said, ‘People from my house told me about the sacred forest and the rules. If you transgress the rules you get punished’ (A4; age 22; education up to grade 9, 14 years old). Similarly another woman said, ‘The rules were made by the forefathers. My in-laws told me not to go there, not to do this; I followed that’ (C3; age 65). Women also believed that the taboos are in place for the benefit of the community and hence should be followed. As a woman, the same taboos were applicable to SM.
During interviews, when asking about the taboos, on most occasions the taboos regarding women werementioned first and in some cases these were emphasized by both men and women, perhaps because a woman was asking them these questions. Their limited access to sacred forests had affected wo- men’s perspectives and knowledge regarding the sacred
forest’s biodiversity. When asked about what kind of trees or animals are found inside the sacred forest, many women had no knowledge of this. The common response was that as women are not allowed there, they do not know much or have no knowledge of the sacred forest. Some women were reluctant to answer questions and de- ferred to men if they were present. For instance, two wo- men kept mentioning that the author should have spoken to the man of the house. ‘If that man would have been home you would have gotmore information ... he would have told you everything from “AtoZ”.. .’ (B13;age 26).
Changing perspectives and interactions with sacred forests
We observed that elderly and middle-aged women wanted the tradition and rules regarding women and sacred forests to continue as they were. When asked whether the same rules should be in place for men and women and whether women should be allowed to enter, a middle-aged woman became offended and said, ‘Those are your opinions and these are ours’ (D11; age 40). When the rules were not fol- lowed by younger women, this was frowned upon by the older women. Nevertheless, most of the younger women noted that,
although the taboos on tree cutting and extraction of forest resources should continue, they would like a change in the rules and taboos regarding access. One woman said, ‘Ido not think the God will get angry if girls go to the temple. What do you think? Is it not true? The people from earlier generations have been following these rules, and so they are being carried forward...’ (C4;age 30;education up to grade 8, 13 years old). Regarding the future of sacred for- ests, some women expressed uncertainty, for instance, ‘In future people will follow this tradition or not; how can we tell.. .’ (B13;age 26). Others expressed concern and made suggestions regarding reforestation. For example, one woman said, ‘The sacred forest will not remain in future. The trees are old and dying and if new trees are not planted then the sacred forest won’t survive. Trees such as mango should be planted in the sacred forest. The tradition of sa- cred grove is good but then everybody should follow the rules and they should be same for everyone’ (D23; age 24; Education: graduate degree). Some older women also hoped that new saplings could be planted in the sacred for- est, ‘Wewant flowering plants/trees in front of the temple.. . for the deity’ (A1; age 45). Another woman said that things will change in the future, especially those with respect to wo- men’s access, but also expressed hope regarding the sacred forests:
Rules regarding women and footwear should be changed. Even women should be allowed to go inside the temple and worship. Maybe the rules for menstruation are alright but otherwise there should be equality be- tween both the genders (as regards rules). Personally I feel these rules
Oryx, 2021, 55(6), 827–834 © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of Fauna & Flora International doi:10.1017/S0030605320001179
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