44 CHAPTER 2
of educators has already been close to the optimal level among white schools, so that even in response to relatively small changes in the number of learn- ers, schools do not adjust the number of educators significantly. Third, col- ored schools show stronger responses than African schools. There seem to be larger behavioral variations across different population groups in secondary schools than in primary schools. Fourth, except for the case of nonsubsidized educators, changes in the number of educators are larger when the number of learners increases than when it decreases.
Summary
The empirical results show that opportunities for education in public schools are still unequal between African and white children in South Africa, even after the end of apartheid. The LERs in public primary and secondary schools differ statistically between African and white groups. During the period 1996– 2000, overall differences in the distribution of LERs have not changed, and in some cases the gaps have been even reinforced for secondary schools. The resulting inequality in opportunities for education could lead to persistent inequality in labor markets and earning opportunities since the quantity and quality of education crucially determine labor market outcomes. The dynamics of school education also demonstrate strong inequity between population groups. The number of educators responds to changes in the number of learners in all population groups at the primary school level. However, the adjustment in the number of educators is significantly larger for formerly white, colored, Indian/Asian, and new schools than African schools. On the other hand, at the secondary school level, the results do not display significant apartheid-type inequity. In the case of white schools, the number of educators does not respond to changes in the number of learners, probably because these schools have retained their initial superiority. One possible reason why LERs have not converged even after the abolition of apartheid is that school fees charged at formerly white schools increased to prevent the entry of African children (Selod and Zenou 2003) (though the empirical analyses in this chapter do not address this proposition). This screening mechanism could partially explain changes in the number of learn- ers and why LERs did not converge rapidly. It is also very difficult to obtain data on racial composition in each school.
Our empirical results call for stronger policy support for African primary schools and schoolchildren, which can contribute to the human-capital-based reduction of the poverty and inequality that have resulted from apartheid in South Africa.
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