home in either political party. That’s weird. Because in 2024,


the two parties are — at least on the immigration issue — morphing into one. Democrats and Republicans are competing to see who can be el mas macho in enforcing the law, deporting undocumented immigrants, and stopping future waves of migrants. Yet neither Trump nor Harris has done much for Hispanics. We’re invisible to them. In August, a New York Times/ Siena College poll of four battleground states — Arizona, Georgia, Nevada, and North Carolina — found that Harris got 54% of the Hispanic vote, compared to 40% for Trump. Those numbers are terrible for


Democrats, especially when you look at the national numbers. In 1996, Bill Clinton got 72% of the


Hispanic vote. In 2012, Barack Obama got 71%. In 2016, Hillary Clinton got 66%. In 2020, Biden got 60%. The GOP has reason to feel


optimistic. History shows that if a Republican earns the support of at least four out of 10 Hispanic voters


Democrats


cite concerns over lawfare


and the Biden administration’s potentially


unconstitutional effort to pressure Facebook,


Twitter, and other social media


firms to suppress free speech.


72 NEWSMAX | OCTOBER 2024


(see Ronald Reagan, who got 40% of the Hispanic vote in 1984, or George W. Bush, who got 44% in 2004), their Democrat opponent is doomed. For what it’s worth, during her


acceptance speech at the Democratic National Convention, Harris dedicated only three sentences to immigration. “I know we can live up to our


proud heritage as a nation of immigrants and reform our broken immigration system,” she said. “We can create an earned pathway


to citizenship and secure our border. America, we must also be steadfast in advancing our security and our values abroad.” The Democrat presidential nominee offered no specifics about how she planned to do all that and make everyone happy. The answer to that question is, like the candidate herself, a mystery. Here’s the thing. It’s hard to get


excited about a mystery. It’s even harder to vote for one.


Ruben Navarrette is an author and syndicated columnist with Creators Syndicate, and writes the Navarrette Nation newsletter at Substack.


Republican camp. On that fast-growing roster: Robert F.


Kennedy Jr., Tulsi Gabbard, Elon Musk, hedge-fund billionaire Bill Ackman, and a host of Silicon Valley financial and tech wiz- ards led by investor David Sacks. All of them have declared their sup-


port for Trump. Palantir co-founder Peter Thiel, meanwhile, has stated he will vote for Trump, but doesn’t plan to donate money to his campaign. Although the erstwhile Democrats’ ex-


planations for backing Trump vary, most of them cite concerns over lawfare and the Biden administration’s potentially uncon- stitutional effort to pressure Facebook, Twitter, and other social media firms to sup- press free speech. That was RFK Jr.’s focus when he threw


his support to Trump in August. “What alarms me,” he said, “is the resort


to censorship and media control and the weaponization of the federal agencies. “When a U.S. president colludes with or


outright coerces media companies to censor political speech,” he added, “it’s an attack on our most sacred right of free expression. And that’s the very right upon which all of our other constitutional rights rest.” Longtime Newsmax “Left Coast Report” columnist James Hirsen says: “When peo- ple like Elon Musk and Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and Donald Trump get together and ap- pear to be acting against their own personal interests — that’s quite compelling for a sig- nificant number of people. “And that’s why I think there’s a very powerful political and cultural shift in the


VOTE/ ROY ROCHLIN/GETTY IMAGES / RFK JR/REBECCA NOBLE/GETTY IMAGES


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