less overlap between the domains. In all, 70% of current Scottish homelessness cases are homelessness-only, and 73% of substance dependence cases are substance-only. Offending demonstrates more overlap, but even here, only 44% of current cases have experience of at least one of the other issues (the most common overlap is with substance dependency), as compared with 63% in England. When looked at via the ‘Ever SMD(3D)’ lens (not used in England), levels of overlap rise a little, to one third of homelessness cases and two-fifths of substance dependency cases, but the offender SMD proportion stays relatively stable at around two-fifths.


issues of offending or substance dependence (see further below).


Likewise, the threshold used in surveys for drugs dependency is likely to capture more recreational/ occasional use of illegal substances, thereby drawing in some people who are much less likely to face SMD.


We turn now to consider the wider five- dimensional SMD (5D) typology, bringing mental health (MH) and domestic violence/abuse (DVA) into the picture, again on a ‘current’ and then on an ‘ever’ basis.


Offending demonstrates


more overlap, but even here, only 44% of current cases


have experience of at least one of the other issues


Again, this discrepancy with England underscores the definitional and methodological differences just noted. In particular, the homelessness measures that we are using in Scotland capture a markedly different – much wider – homeless population than in England, where we were limited to the mainly single homeless group receiving Supporting People services. When you widen the lens to include homeless families as well as single people accepted by local authorities13


, and respondents


who report ‘hidden’ as well as ‘visible’ homeless experiences in household surveys (Fitzpatrick et al, 2019 forthcoming), you encompass, as one would expect, a great many more cases where homelessness is entirely unconnected with


59


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