former GOP presidential candidate and House Speaker Newt Gingrich; former U.S. Secretary of Education William J. Bennett; and former Ron- ald Reagan administration Attorney General Edwin Meese III.
U. S. Prison Population in Millions
8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
0
1980 ’85’90 ’95’00 ’052011 SOURCE: Bureau of Justice Statistics
Reforming the way prisons work is
hardly a new idea. Progressive groups have been urg-
ing decriminalization for years, rail- ing that America incarcerates more people than any other nation. But the Right on Crime movement
looks at the problem differently. Just unlocking the prison doors and letting nonviolent offenders walk is a big mis- take, they say. Personal accountability for wrong-
doing is central to their mandate, including the payment of court- ordered restitution to the victims. The way Texas escaped the budget
crunch of penal sticker shock is draw- ing attention from governors and state legislators elsewhere. The state invested in thousands of
beds in treatment facilities for offend- ers who needed rehab and other treat- ment, which could be done on a parole and probation basis. It built 1,200 half- way-house beds, 1,500 mental health pretrial diversion beds, and 3,000 out- patient drug-treatment slots. “Unlike some on the left, we would
agree that putting violent and danger- ous criminals behind bars is impor- tant,” says Marc Levin, director of the Policy Foundation’s Center for Effective Justice. “Conservatives are
the ones best situated to reform the system now, because we do adhere to personal responsibility. “But we also know there are other
ways of holding people responsible besides putting them in prison. And of course, if you put them in prison they’re no longer going to be paying child support or restitution.” The key, he says, is to distinguish
between the people society fears — murderers, bank robbers — and those it merely wants to punish, like con art- ists and drug abusers. Tossing millions of nonviolent
offenders in jail at about $20,000 per inmate annually does not work well for taxpayers. And those who have served time often commit even more serious crimes after they’re released. The Right on Crime project sup-
ports drug courts, which adjudicate nonviolent substance-abuse cases and involve intense supervision and treat- ment, instead of prison. Program com- pletion results in dismissal of charges
or probation. That puts states in a position to give taxpayers a break by closing jails like the one in Sugar Land. Levin says reforms to the criminal-
justice system also enhance public safety. In Texas, the average repeat- arrest rate for people who have made it through drug court is 28.5 percent, compared to 58.5 percent for drug offenders who go through the conven- tional system. Considering that many crimes
involve an innocent victim, that’s a boost to public safety. “We’re seeing legislators being a
lot more cognizant, saying, I’m for limited government and not spending money unnecessarily in all these other areas,” Levin says. He adds: “It makes sense to apply
that approach to criminal justice, and say, Let’s look at the cost-benefit anal- ysis: Is a particular proposal worth the cost, and does it really advance public safety? I think there is that greater awareness we’re seeing.”
Turning the Key on Prison Reforms C
onservative criminal-justice reforms — restitution, drug courts, and criminal- diversion for nonviolent offenders — may be on the verge of taking hold
nationwide. Consider that in 2008, the GOP platform emphasized aggressive prosecution of the war on drugs. But by 2012, the plank on crime appeared to avoid the “war on drugs” phrase altogether, instead asserting, “Prisons should . . . attempt to rehabilitate and institute proven prisoner re-entry systems to reduce recidivism and future victimization.” Right on Crime’s website lists 23 states
GOVS. BEEBE, DANIELS
now implementing or considering reforms. In Arkansas, for example, Democratic Gov. Mike Beebe signed a 2011 law expanding the diversion of drug users into treatment and
“accountability courts.” In Indiana, Gov. Mitch Daniels launched a study on how to hold down incarceration costs, and declared sentencing reform a major priority. One of the stumbling blocks to reforms, however: prison-guard unions. In
California, where some corrections oficers earn over $100,000 per year, the powerful prison-guard union has lobbied against reforming the corrections system. Union leaders in New York, meanwhile, tried to pressure politicians as well. But when Gov. Andrew Cuomo came into ofice facing a $10 billion budget gap, he shut down 10 jails statewide. “An incarceration program,” Cuomo declared in his state of the state message, “is not an employment program.” — D.P.
MARCH 2013 | NEWSMAX 15
BEEBE, DANIELS/AP IMAGES
Millions of inmates
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