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key metropolitan areas represented. Though his opinions on Senate reform were widely known, he appointed a key Quebec lieutenant, Michel Fortier to the Senate and swore him in as Minister of International Trade, with the condition that he run for elected office in the next federal election. Nobody saw it coming. Like any good magician, Harper had an even better trick
up his sleeve – he appointed David Emerson, a Liberal MP as Minister of International Trade to ensure the greater Van- couver region had a place at the table. Harper’s decision was kept secret from Liberal colleagues, the press, and most Con- servatives until the moment Emerson arrived at Rideau Hall for the swearing-in ceremony. With those two decisions, no one knew what to expect
from Harper. And whenever people felt they were on to him, he’d pull another trick. When the Bloc Quebecois at- tempted to corner Harper with a motion seeking to declare Quebecers a nation, without reference to Canada, Harper motioned to have the House “recognize that the Quebecois form a nation within a united Canada,” – an unexpected move from a Prime Minister who had left the Progressive Conservative Party because of its focus on appeasing Que- bec nationalists. Divide and conquer has its drawbacks, however. Over
time, those who repeatedly find themselves on the losing end of these brilliant tactical flourishes may become aware that their numbers also allow them to form a workable ma- jority. With enough egg on their faces, they may decide that they have the authority to govern. In fall of 2008, Stephen Harper very nearly had a rebellion on his hands as his op- ponents figured they could do a better job running the show. It fell apart, of course, only highlighting how difficult it is to maintain a workable governing coalition.
3. Keep your base happy Yes, you’ll have to make compromises to keep your co-
alition government afloat. But if you want to win the next election, you can’t afford to lose your base. Knowing that
34 Campaigns & Elections | Canadian Edition
same-sex marriage was an important issue for parts of his base, Stephen Harper had campaigned on a promise to hold a free vote on a motion to restore the traditional definition of marriage. He did so in his first year. The status quo held, and Harper told reporters he considered the issue put to rest; he saw no need to re-open the debate. Harper managed to make good on his promise, earning the trust of his base, while demonstrating to Canadians that the left’s cries of a hidden agenda were baseless and insincere. Just recently, right-to-life groups staged a number of ac-
tions on Parliament Hill with respect to the government’s overseas aid practices. The groups, frankly, have not had much reason to be encouraged about Stephen Harper since his election. But he has always offered them just enough reason to stay at the table as a part of the big-C conservative family. Once again, Harper has kept his word, he went no further to appease elements of his coalition who wanted him to fight the issue further. He has always managed to keep his base motivated without appearing beholden to them. Harper has been able to make gestures (both substantive
and symbolic) to hold or win over groups before. Take a look at Harper’s use of base tactics:
Suburban moms and dads Seniors Neoconservatives
Scrapping the big-government childcare program and replacing it with a tax credit
Income splitting for seniors Increase to the seniors age credit
Labeling Hezbollah a terrorist entity
“Soft” Quebec nationalists Recognition of Quebec as a distinct nation within Canada
Younger men New Canadians
Dramatic expansion of Canada’s armed forces Arctic sovereignty
Official apology for the Chinese Head Tax
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