toward their party that the state’s highest court, dominated by Demo- crat appointments, struck it down as unconstitutional. Questions of race and representa-
tion further complicate gerryman- dering. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 prohibits the deprivation of electoral power to minority communities. This has often led to the cre-
ation of majority-minority districts designed to give Black and Hispanic voters greater influence. The redistricting issue erupted
this year in Texas, where the state Senate approved the new Republi- can-leaning congressional map for GOP Gov. Greg Abbott to sign. The map could give Republicans
as many as five additional seats in Congress by redrawing districts around Austin, Dallas, Houston, and South Texas. Supporters said the changes were necessary to ensure more accurate representation. Democrats con- demned it as a power grab. California Democrats are mov-
ing in the opposite direction. Gov. Gavin Newsom announced that vot- ers will decide Proposition 50 in a special election on Nov. 4 that would temporarily grant the Legislature the power to redraw congressional lines. The clash between Texas and California illustrates two signifi- cantly different approaches to polit- ical power. In Texas, Republicans view redis- tricting as a legitimate prize in win-
INDIANA Republicans sealed a 7-2 edge and turned a closely contested seat in Indianapolis into a safe GOP district by packing Democrat pieces of Marion County into the already safe blue 7th District. George Washington University political scientist Chris Warshaw called the map “one of the most extreme gerrymanders in history.”
Neighborhoods Carved Up With Surgical Precision
E
very 10 years, states redraw their
congressional and legislative maps based on the latest census figures. In many states, the politicians who control this process draw district lines in a way that maximizes their party’s partisan advantage and makes it hard for their opponents to win power. The practice of
redistricting has been part of American politics since the early 19th century. In 1812, Massachusetts
Gov. Elbridge Gerry signed a bill creating a
district so oddly shaped that a local cartoonist likened it to a salamander. The Boston Gazette
called it the “Gerry- Mander,” and the term has remained shorthand for the manipulation of political boundaries to secure partisan advantage. Today, political
operatives armed with geographic information systems and vast voter files can carve neighborhoods with surgical precision, often ensuring a preferred outcome
ning elections and argue that they are following long-standing precedent. In California, Democrats argue
that independent commissions are the fairest path — but insist that the state cannot let its voters be disad- vantaged while others exploit mid- decade redistricting. The dueling efforts could cancel
each other out nationally if Texas Republicans and California Demo- crats each net five seats. But the tit for tat reflects a deeper
erosion of trust and could fuel a new cycle of retaliatory map-making by other jurisdictions, opening Pando- ra’s box.
Supporters of partisan redistrict-
NEVADA Democrats used highways as artificial boundaries to distribute Hispanic voters between two districts, giving them partisan influence but removing their ability to vote as a unified group. The northern boundary of Nevada’s 1st District goes right through heavily Hispanic areas of greater Las Vegas.
before a ballot is cast. Analysts describe
the process as one of “packing,” in which opposition voters are clustered into a few districts to limit their influence elsewhere, and “cracking,” in which those voters are spread across multiple districts to dilute their voting strength.
ing argue that Democrat voters’ concentration in large urban cen- ters disadvantages their party and that even neutral maps will not tilt toward Republicans. They also claim that safe districts
create stability and allow legislators to gain seniority, thereby delivering resources back home. Opponents counter that ger- rymandering allows politicians to choose their voters instead of vot- ers choosing their representatives. They cite the example of Massa- chusetts, where Republicans regu- larly win 40% of statewide votes but have zero representation in the U.S. House or Senate.
ILLINOIS The noncompact 17th District starts in Springfield, wraps around the western border to pick up Moline, before stretching to the northeast to grab Rockford, to create an unnaturally configured Democrat district.
OCTOBER 2025 | NEWSMAX 11
DONKEY AND ELEPHANT/TEDDYANDMIA/GETTY IMAGES / CAPITOL/MAGLARA/GETTY IMAGES / THUNDER/SERGIO FORMOSO/GETTY IMAGES CARTOON/BETTMANN/GETTY IMAGES
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