Macron’s Royal Gesture
F
rench President Emmanuel Macron clearly believes that enhancing
cultural and people-to-people exchanges of students, scientists, and business executives, which have declined since Brexit, will be needed to cement the strategic relationship with the U.K. So, the summit included France’s
decision to increase such exchanges and to lend Britain the exquisite Bayeux Tapestry, an embroidered cloth 230 feet long and 20 inches tall that is believed to date to the 11th century. It is the earliest-known depiction of
the Battle of Hastings in the year 1066 in which William the Conqueror, the Duke of Normandy, led an army from France that invaded England and killed its king, Harold. William installed himself on the British
throne and ruled for 21 years until his death in 1087. “We love monarchy,” a smiling
Macron told British parliamentarians as he announced the loan of the tapestry, “especially when it’s not at home.” — J.M.
in the next elections. And while Starmer was first elected
in July last year, he too faces sinking approval ratings and the rise of Nigel Farage and the far right. In both the U.K. and France, right-
wing opponents have blasted the agreement, which also raises doubt about its long-term viability. Few defense experts see even the combined arsenals as a convincing substitute for America’s nuclear pro- tection. France and Britain together have a total of some 500 nuclear weap- ons; Russia has some 5,000. Nevertheless, closer coopera-
tion could benefit both nations and Europe.
Enhanced strategic coordination
could strengthen deterrence by plug- ging gaps in Europe’s defense, said Andrew Weber, a former assistant secretary of defense under President Barack Obama now at the Council on Strategic Risks — filling in for the oth- er’s submarines that are reserved for maintenance or training, and improv- ing intelligence about Russia’s forces, capabilities, and plans. It could also lessen pressure on
Poland, the Baltic states, and Ger- many to develop their own nuclear weapons.
“Anything that strengthens deter-
rence and enhances nonproliferation is a plus,” Weber said. Yet, several U.S. national security
experts warned against overselling the agreement. “This may be a coalition of the will-
ing,” said one analyst. But absent real coordination and dramatic increases in their defense spending, “it could well be a coalition of the weak.” Absent such massive increases in
defense spending and real coordina- tion, “there’s no there, there,” said Eric S. Edelman, a former under secre- tary of defense for policy in the George W. Bush administration. While France and Britain have set
up a high-level steering committee to coordinate nuclear strategy, Russia and China are already doing so. “The two are flying joint long-range
nuclear capable bombers into the Alaska information zone and over the South China Sea. They’ve also done a couple of joint nuclear bomber exercis- es,” Edelman said, calling such joint activities “dangerous” to the West. He also worries about the impact
of hyping the agreement on America’s national security debate. Overselling this will strengthen the hand of Vice President JD Vance and others in the Trump administration in their desire to withdraw the nation’s 100,000 troops from Europe. “They will just throw up their hands
and say, ‘Problem solved; we can leave,’” he said. Still, the agreement marks a dra-
matic improvement in the two coun- tries’ glacial relations since Brexit and reflects an apparent determination to strengthen Europe’s defenses. The British-French cooperation agreement is clearly part of their broad- er effort to bolster European security. It followed an earlier French treaty with Poland and an arms cooperation deal with Sweden, a new North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) member.
Days after the Northwood Decla-
ration, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz signed a historic defense treaty in London to deepen ties in areas rang- ing from defense to immigration. On his first official visit to the U.K.,
Merz acknowledged that Europe had spent too little on its own defense and vowed to work with Britain and France to strengthen Europe’s deterrence. The new de facto trilateral alliance would no longer be “free-riders,” he said.
Britain and several key European
NATO members have already agreed to increase their defense spending to 5% of the gross national product. But Bruegel, a European think tank, esti- mates that modernization costs alone for both countries’ deterrence could total some $117 billion. Moreover, France and the U.K.
have clear strategic differences. Brit- ain’s nuclear arsenal, unlike France’s, is limited to one type of launch plat- form — submarines. While Britain has vowed to develop
an aviation platform, that too will cost huge sums that Starmer’s government lacks.
Moreover, Britain and France
have little to show for the first bilat- eral Lancaster House Treaties signed 15 years ago. Cooperation has been hampered by
what the skeptical Economist called the “persistence of industrial rivalry” and the uncertainty of British access to European Union procurement funds. The leaders did attempt to lessen
another source of British fury: the widespread feeling that France has not done enough to stop the number of illegal migrants crossing the channel, which reached a record in the first half of 2025. They agreed to a return of such
migrants in exchange for Britain’s acceptance of a limited number of vet- ted applicants.
Judith Miller is a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative reporter and an expert on U.S. foreign policy and the Middle East.
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