chicha production at locations throughout the Andes, including Inka and Wari breweries and extensive collections of chicha qeros belonging to the Tiwanaku culture. Some archeologists argue that chicha is as old as the Chavin cul- ture dating to around 900 BC. Throughout the Andes chicha is produced
in much the same fashion, although regional preferences produce slight variations.
In
Chatito on the North Coast of Peru, Josefa Sullon Silva and Asunciona Chero Nizama start with corn kernels that are sprouted, dried, ground, boiled in water, chewed, boiled again, strained and allowed to ferment in large ceramic vats for a day or two before be- ing served in a dried gourd known as a poto. The enzyme diastase in saliva breaks down starches into sugar, critical for the fermenta- tion process. In some regions, chancaca or unrefined sugar is added, allowing the chicha to ferment longer, increasing the alcohol con- tent and sweetening the finished product. In other regions such as Trujillo or Cuzco, white sugar, cinnamon, cloves,
fruits or quinoa
can add flavor. In warmer lowland areas like Chatito, brewers chew the corn before boiling to forestall the warm temperature from in- ducing rotting during the process. Meanwhile Eucivia, living in the cooler highlands, does not chew the corn, since it can ferment over a longer period of time. In the Ecuadorean and Peruvian jungle another fermented variant of chicha uses manioc instead of corn as the base. In pre-colonial societies, chicha served as
Asunciona Chero Nizama making chicha outside her home in Chatito, Peru, 2017.
a ceremonial beverage; it maintained societal bonds, toasted ancestors and invoked the supernatural. In the Inka empire an order of chosen virgin women known as Acllas were charged with ritual duties that included tend- ing to terraces of sacred maize and the brew- ing of chicha for imperial use. The Inka used chicha to reaffirm the social hierarchy of the empire during ritualized feasting and political as well as religious ceremonies. The Sapa Inka or his representatives traveled through the empire to extend drinking invitations. This invitation was always from superior to infe- rior; it was a token of favor with an attached indebtedness. Toasts between lords and vas- sals carried the significance of treaties. Special pairs of intricately carved identical qeros were used for these toasts, and they displayed iden- tity, rank and religious beliefs as well as politi- cal and social relationships. In similar fashion the Sapa Inka or local lords held feasting ceremonies in which chicha was distributed and in-kind communal or imperial work was expected as reciprocal repayment of the debt. This communal work included canal- and SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 13
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