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funding pressures, university departments only offer their own local language. The positive side of this is that the modern languages are taught in more invigorating ways, which enhance students’ fluency, preparing them for successful careers where the language is a genuine asset.


But the new landscape presents challenges. The Arts and Humanities Research Council’s decision in 2013 to fund a multi-institutional Centre for Doctoral Training in Celtic Language, led by the University of Glasgow, acknowledged what risked being lost. The centre allows budding researchers to exchange ideas with research students and gain access to the resources of Celtic-language units across the different countries within the UK.


These debates smoulder on, though much less heatedly than in the 1990s. We shall see what the British Museum exhibition does to fan the embers. In the meantime academics convened in Glasgow in July for the 15th International Congress of Celtic Studies, which has been taking place at regular four-year intervals since 1959.


The Congress encompasses a big, baggy, interdisciplinary field. Scotish archaeologists rub shoulders with Welsh socio-linguists, and experts on medieval Irish poetry buy pints for scholars of Gaulish place names. It is extremely international, with 500 delegates from 25 countries and 130 institutions. The plenary sessions included Welsh modernism, Germany and World War I; Breton ballads and early modern history; continental Iron Age urbanism; medieval manuscript culture; and Celtic studies in the digital age. Despite all the debates, they still gather under the name of “Celtic Studies”.


Why should anyone care? This university discipline is tasked with atending to the health of several of the native languages of Britain and Ireland; and preserving the ancient, medieval


and modern heritage of much of Britain and Ireland, including parts of what is now England. In other words it should remind people in Britain that, never mind current controversies over immigration, these islands have been from our earliest historical records a multicultural and multilingual place.


In the devolved regions that diversity of language is increasingly there to see and hear – in Welsh conversations on Aberystwyth streets, on road signs in Scotish Gaelic, and Irish-Language television channels. Many of these Celtic languages are experiencing a real resurgence an aghaidh na sìorraidheachd (“in the face of eternity”). It’s beter to face the future together.


But in the 1990s and into the new millennium, things began to change. Tis was a time of radically declining numbers of native speakers, and a need to make these languages relevant and vital in the modern world. Te “Celtic” project was increasingly rejected as not helpful to, for instance, revitalising Welsh or supporting Gaeltacht communities in Ireland.


It is worth remembering that Welsh, Breton, Irish and Scotish Gaelic, and also the revived languages of Cornish and Manx, were particularly stigmatised by law, education and imperial mindsets during the 18th and 19th centuries. Most of the people challenging the term (and quite a few defending it) were based outside the countries where these are spoken as living languages. It is perhaps understandable that in radio interviews and live debates, maters got a bit heated.


The irony was that the discipline had been going through a period of internal soul-searching, worrying that “Celtic” had become a term that could mean anything to anyone. This failure to pay atention to how “Celtic” was used had led scholars into a variety of paradigms about the past – and sometimes the present – that just didn’t stack up. Ideas like “Celtic Christianity” and “Celtic nature poetry” were examined and found wanting, for example. Popular writing generally ignored such concerns. Caught between what Patrick Sims-Williams of Aberystwyth University called “Celtomania and Celtosceptiscism”, most scholars just stopped using the C-word and got on with their work.


September 2015 81


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