When the Helmand plan was in its infancy, redevelopment projects were effectively owned, prioritised and managed by coalition stabilisation teams. A huge amount was achieved; roads were built allowing the population to move their goods and services around but also physically connecting them to their government.
It was the start of a new way of living. With security in place and access to the decision- makers assured, the balance of power was shifting into the hands of the people.
“Elected district councils have been very successful,” said Catriona. “We have just had the second round of elections in Nad ‘Ali. This time more than 6,000 people voted. In the last election it was only 600.”
And, despite personal risk and the fact that payments for officials have reduced from $150 to just $50 a month, there are also more people who want to stand for election:
“It’s a massive success story,” said Catriona. “It’s Helmand’s legacy as it is showing how local government can and should work, and it is shaping the national debate.”
With checks and balances in place, a sustainable equilibrium has been established. In Helmand there are 3 power bases, the District Chief of Police (DCOP), the governor and the elected council – effectively the tribal elders. True, the elders have always been the voice of their communities, but now they have teeth because everyone in the game is locked in by formal systems which work because they boost their legitimacy.
Take the role of the DCOP as an example. There was a time when, heading his own army of police, a DCOP could all too easily establish himself as a one-man justice system. Now the district council’s justice sub-
committees call the DCOP in every week to account for what he is doing. If they find he is not delivering, or doing something they find intolerable, they have the power to act.
Tribal system Catriona explained:
“There is a very complex tribal system that we can’t hope to understand, but what we can do is to help set up the balancing systems so that no single point of power can become too powerful.”
Now that the institutional mechanisms are in place and working, and with funding going directly into the Helmand budget, the government can demonstrate that they have the power to deliver the services and investments that the people demand.
And, the thinking goes, if it works here, then why not elsewhere, and not just spreading out to northern Helmand province but nationally too.
It is hoped that with the Afghan National Security Forces successfully taking the lead during this year’s summer fighting and pushing the security bubble northwards, and as the inhabitants of Musa Qal’ah and Kajaki see their southern neighbours enjoying improved standards of living, the desire to be a part of it will soon flourish.
“It is hard for the Taliban to provide the same narrative as before, ‘the government is corrupt, we can provide you with fair justice’,” said Catriona. “It is clear that’s not the case. The government functions normally, building and maintaining clinics, schools and roads. It will be increasingly hard for the Taliban to motivate fighters.”
And if they do take a district centre, what then?
“Without access to the government budget they can’t do anything,” said Catriona. “People’s expectations are different now.”
Thinking locally
Ministries and donors in Kabul are interested in the integrated planning and budgeting system work in Helmand. The time is ripe to influence the debate as the Ministry of Finance is preparing its own proposal for provincial budgeting in the next few months. Catriona is pushing hard to ensure the Helmand model informs this work. The national government is, by tradition, very centralist. Kabul decides what each province will spend on things like education in Kandahar and Helmand.
One of the arguments has been that the provinces can’t be trusted and they are not developed enough to cope. But Catriona says that Helmand has proved that it is possible and desirable to trust the provinces:
“It means they can prioritise the projects that matter locally, and they have demonstrated that they are accountable and they scrutinise very firmly the progress of projects they have funded.”
This, Catriona hopes, will be her legacy. Which has taken her by surprise:
“I am now a big fan of localism,” she confides. “I used to think ‘who’s interested in local government? I do the big picture stuff!’
“I knew Helmand would be fascinating. But it’s been a surprise how important it is to understand the local dynamic and the impact of allowing local improvisation to flourish, and how important it is to make sure that success is fed back to the centre.”
It seems that, in central Helmand, change is catching.
www.raf-ff.org.uk
Envoy Winter 2013
19
Page 1 |
Page 2 |
Page 3 |
Page 4 |
Page 5 |
Page 6 |
Page 7 |
Page 8 |
Page 9 |
Page 10 |
Page 11 |
Page 12 |
Page 13 |
Page 14 |
Page 15 |
Page 16 |
Page 17 |
Page 18 |
Page 19 |
Page 20 |
Page 21 |
Page 22 |
Page 23 |
Page 24 |
Page 25 |
Page 26 |
Page 27 |
Page 28 |
Page 29 |
Page 30 |
Page 31 |
Page 32 |
Page 33 |
Page 34 |
Page 35 |
Page 36 |
Page 37 |
Page 38 |
Page 39 |
Page 40 |
Page 41 |
Page 42 |
Page 43 |
Page 44 |
Page 45 |
Page 46 |
Page 47 |
Page 48 |
Page 49 |
Page 50 |
Page 51 |
Page 52 |
Page 53 |
Page 54 |
Page 55 |
Page 56