Thune faithfully returns to his home state every weekend to talk to constituents and spend time with wife Kimberley, their two daughters, and five grandchildren.
Tim Scott, R-S.C., he said Trump’s policy of impos- ing tariffs was “a recipe for increased inflation.” Asked in February
about Trump’s planned tariffs on Canada, Mexi- co, and China, the GOP leader told reporters: “We’ll see how long they last.”
Trump’s agenda on
taxes and spending ani- mates him the most. “You’ve got the tax
piece [extending Trump’s 2017 tax cuts] and spend-
ers,” Thune says with a smile. “Any- time you have both branches in the hands of the same party, there’s going to be tension.” Previously, there have only been
four occasions where a Republican president had been elected with both the Senate and House in GOP hands: 1928, when Herbert Hoover became president; 1952, with Dwight Eisen- hower; 2004, with a reelected George W. Bush; and 2016, with Trump’s first election. “And each time, it only lasted two
years,” noted Thune, “so this is a unique opportunity we want to make the most of.” Thune is in line with the Trump
agenda in virtually all areas: curbing illegal immigration, deregulation, reducing the size of government and the federal workforce, and getting a handle on artificial intelligence. If there is any item on which they
are distant, it is tariffs. During the 2024 battle for the Republican presidential nomination, in which Thune supported fellow Sen.
ing cuts. You’ve got some regulatory relief things we want to do. And you’ve got a debt limit out there we have to deal with. “I remind people that the two most important numbers are 218 and 51. You’ve got to be able to find solutions to get you to a majority in the House and Senate.” In supporting Trump’s idea of deci-
sively cutting domestic discretionary spending, including abolishing the Department of Education (“something I have always supported”), Thune notes that such spending is only 27% of overall federal spending. The rest includes entitlements such
as Social Security, Medicare, and Med- icaid, and interest on the national debt — which, the majority leader observed, “We will have to deal with someday.” Entering Thune’s private office, we
passed a photograph of the late Sen. Jim Abdnor, R-S.D., who served in the House from 1973-1981 and in the Sen- ate from 1981-1987. Onetime high school coach Abdnor took a liking to the young Thune, who
in high school earned letters in basket- ball, track, and football. “I would have never made it to Con-
gress without Jim’s friendship and help,” Thune said, recalling his men- tor’s widespread knowledge of their state and his reputation as a genuinely nice guy. When a U.S. House seat opened
up in 1996, Thune jumped into the race and won the nomination and the election. Six years later, he took on Democrat
Sen. Tim Johnson and lost by a much- disputed 424 votes. In 2004, Thune rebounded and, in a race that drew national attention, he unseated Sen- ate Majority Leader Tom Daschle, a liberal Democrat. Residency was a major reason for
Daschle’s electoral demise, with the majority leader and his lobbyist wife spending more time in the District of Columbia than in South Dakota. Thune faithfully returns to his
home state every weekend to talk to constituents and spend time with wife Kimberley, their two daughters, and five grandchildren. Legendary baseball coach Leo
Durocher famously said, “Nice guys finish last.” Like his mentor Abdnor, Thune is considered a nice guy who abjures harsh words about opponents and even fellow senators who don’t follow his lead. In the coming weeks, his nice guy reputation will be put to the test as the Trump agenda is considered by the Senate. How he fares at this could deter-
mine the fate of the Republican Party in the midterm elections and Trump’s presidency — and whether a nice guy can finish first.
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