Lakota delegation at the White House, 1877. The Lakota, Cheyenne and Arapaho who fought Red Cloud’s War composed one of the last tribal alliances to make a formal treaty with the United States. They continued to send delegations to Washington, D.C., even after the legislated end of treaty-making. Standing (from left): Unidentified man, Red Bear, Young Man Afraid of his Horse, Good Voice, Ring Thunder, Iron Crow, White Tail, Young Spotted Tail. Seated: Yellow Bear, Jack Red Cloud, Big Road, Little Wound, Black Crow.
old, decentralized republic into a powerful, centralized national state. Washington created a national paper currency and banking system, levied new taxes and formed an internal reve- nue bureau to collect them, imposed a draft to fill the ranks of the army, launched the Freed- men’s Bureau, the nation’s first social welfare agency, and inaugurated a generous pension system for Union Army veterans. The emergence of a consolidated nation-
state nourished a powerful nationalist ideol- ogy. In 1865, a new magazine, aptly titled The Nation, began publication. In its second issue, the editors asserted that the Civil War had achieved the “territorial, political and his- torical oneness of the nation . . . .” Now, said U.S. Sen. John Sherman (R. – Ohio), brother of Union General William T. Sherman, “The policy of this country ought to be to make everything national….” The celebration of consolidated nation-
hood left little scope for tribal sovereignty. After Appomattox, the idea of independent tribal nations came under increasing attack from land-hungry settlers, ranchers, mining and railroad companies and politicians who found tribal sovereignty an obstacle to eco- nomic development and an affront to Ameri- can society. Unwilling to countenance the existence of “savage” tribes in a “civilized” na-
tion, Americans insisted that Indians should spurn tribalism and accept Christianity, private property ownership and, eventually, full citizenship and assimilation into Euro- American society. The full-bore assault on tribal culture and institutions fueled pressure for Congress to prohibit future treaty-making with Indian tribes.
III
Congressional opposition to Indian treaty- making emerged from the House of Repre- sentatives. When the House’s proposal for eliminating treaty diplomacy arrived in the Senate, however, it received an icy reception from lawmakers who warned that it would infringe on the treaty-making authority of the president. Fewer constitutional concerns were evident in the House, where opponents of treaty-making assailed the notion that Indian tribes were nations with whom the United States should make treaties. Equating popula- tion with nationhood, lawmakers insisted that Indian tribes were now too small to merit the moniker, “nation.” “Eighty or a hundred years ago, perhaps when there were great confeder- ated nations upon our borders. . . we might treaty with them,” said U.S. Rep. Aaron Sar- gent (R. – Calif.). But now, Sargent observed,”
U.S. Rep. Aaron Sargent (R. – Calif.)
INDIAN TRIBES, HE CONCLUDED, WERE “SIMPLY . . . NOT INDEPEN- DENT NATIONS WITH WHOM WE ARE TO TREAT AS OUR EQUALS.” THE UNITED STATES SHOULD CONTINUE TO MAKE TREATIES WITH FOREIGN NATIONS, SARGENT ADMITTED, “[B]UT I DENY THAT THERE CAN BE SUCH NATIONS ON OUR OWN SOIL.”
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 43
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS PRINTS AND PHOTOGRAPHS DIVISION, BRADY-HANDY PHOTOGRAPH COLLECTION
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