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POLITICAL STRATEGIES FOR POLICY REFORM 199


employees, the government, and the SEB. The agreement addressed the interests of the electricity-sector employees by protecting their job security, salaries, and benefits. This agreement alone does not, however, explain why the power-sector reform in Andhra Pradesh was possible. The reform also affected groups that were not represented at the negotiation table, such as the industrialists and households benefiting from power theft. Hence, strong leadership as well as strategic bargaining was necessary. Strategic bargaining could also be used to induce the fertilizer industry to support policy reform. A credible bargain with the fertilizer industry could be promoted if the government showed a more united face to the industry and, in its own communications, separated the issue of food security from self- sufficiency in fertilizer production. The industry is made up of a small num- ber of actors with very specific material interests: if it is convinced that the government is serious about reform and is even willing to consider a larger dependence on imports, the industry will likely be prepared to negotiate. A bargaining approach appears less applicable to the farmgate price of fertilizer and tariffs and metering for agricultural electricity. Unlike the fertilizer and electricity producers, farmers are a large and heterogeneous group. Moreover, farmers’ organizations do not represent the farmers in the same way that labor unions represent the employees, because the farmers’ organizations are fragmented and not all of them have registered members. Moreover, unlike the electricity employees, the farmers are not in a contrac- tual relationship with the state: hence any deal would require considerable trust on the part of the farmers. Another approach for the government would be to negotiate with members of Parliament over fertilizer reforms or mem- bers of the state legislative assemblies over electricity reforms. It is not clear whether the farmer’s organizations would be willing to negotiate over either fertilizer or electricity pricing. According to the theory of strategic bargaining, participants typically first consider their “best alterna- tive to a negotiated agreement” (BATNA) (Fisher and Ury 1983). For the utility employees in Andhra Pradesh, the incentives to arrive at a negotiated solution were high, as there was a “credible threat” that the government would pursue the reforms in any case. Creating a credible threat regarding fertilizer pricing and electricity pricing and metering appears more difficult. To overcome the challenges of negotiated approaches, it may be useful to think about the subsidy reform more broadly and ask the question: What should be done with the public resources that will be saved if the subsidies to agriculture are reduced? One concern, which features especially in the welfare-state-oriented discourse, is that after reducing subsidies to agricul- ture, these resources might be spent in ways that are far less desirable from an equity perspective. The market-oriented discourse argues that subsidies crowd out public investment, but there is no guarantee that the reduction


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