COMPARING FERTILIZER AND ELECTRICITY SUPPLY 189
lution was to achieve food self-sufficiency. This goal could be achieved only by making it economically profitable for smallholders to increase agricultural production (Subramaniam 1995). Hence it was essential for the state to ensure the provision of key inputs, such as improved seeds, fertilizer, and irrigation at prices that created incentives to increase production. Although this policy was extremely successful in achieving food self-sufficiency, it also led farmers to expect that the state would continue to guarantee prices. It is no surprise that a rising income gap between the agricultural and nonagricultural sectors spurred political action to increase the subsidies for agricultural inputs.1 The Green Revolution experience created another feature that is equally relevant for understanding fertilizer and electricity policies: the goal of food self-sufficiency. Although reform proponents in both policy fields argue that full food self-sufficiency is no longer important for either political indepen- dence or food security, the analysis conducted for this study clearly showed that food self-sufficiency remains an important political goal among policy- makers and stakeholders across the political spectrum. This enduring point of view has its roots partly in the specific political experience of the 1960s that spurred India’s Green Revolution. In addition, India’s vast size makes it dif- ficult to procure sufficient staple foods and agricultural inputs in international markets in times of acute need. The food crisis of 2008 underlines this point. In the electricity and fertilizer debates, the food self-sufficiency argu- ment enters the political debate in different ways, but in both fields it is invoked to oppose market-oriented reform proposals. In the case of fertil- izer, the goal of food self-sufficiency is cited as an argument for fertilizer self-sufficiency. Accordingly, counterarguments focus on whether and under which conditions India could increase its dependence on imported urea. The food-security argument has entered the debate over electricity in various ways. In Punjab, the importance of ensuring electricity supply to agricultural production in times of crisis has been put forward as an argument against privatization. In the debate about crop diversification—as a strategy to move to less water-intensive crops—food self-sufficiency is invoked as an argu- ment against a reduction of staple-food crop production. Counterarguments focus on shifting staple-food production to regions of India where overuse of groundwater is a less limiting factor.
1 While the Green Revolution played an important role in shaping the current policies for fertil- izer and electricity, one must acknowledge that such developments are not unique to India or other countries affected by the Revolution. Increased pressure for agricultural subsidies is com- mon during the transformation from an agricultural to an industrialized economy. This trans- formation is often characterized by intersectoral income disparities between agricultural and nonagricultural sectors (Hayami and Godo 2004).
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