them so; or at least you find them convicts for certain crimes. Without entering into the nature of these crimes, or the means of [in]criminating these unhappy beings, or the cruelty of such a prin- ciple, the pretence of which is only adding hypocrisy to the lust of gain; I will say that even if it were true that all whom we purchase had committed crimes, for which, by their own laws slavery may be imposed as a punishment, I really think that it is not for the British nation to provide shipping to conduct the police of Africa [sic]. I really think a trade founded on such a principle, and tend- ing to perpetuate such misery, is not a fit trade for us to prosecute. In this plea, we may perceive how the lust of lucre, the sordid
object of gain, can blind men who, when other objects are before them, are pretty clear sighted. But I will go no further into this subject – it is unnecessary,
because the sentiment of Parliament has been fully expressed upon it already, with a very few exceptions (with the exception of some
A reconstruction of a slavery scene in Abidjan in late 2010, as part of the 50th anniversary celebrations of the Independence of Côte d’Ivoire
persons in the other House of Parliament, and of the two members for Liverpool in this; one of whom indeed – General Gascoyne – has declared the Slave Trade to be a thing good in itself, so good, that if you had it not, you ought to create it by bounties). Another noble viscount, then also a Member of this House
(Lord Melville), who did a great deal to prevent the abolition of the Slave Trade, not only delivered in this House but also recorded in its journals, an opinion, the substance of which was “that the Slave Trade, being contrary to the principles of justice, humanity and sound policy, it was fit that it should be abolished”, and this Resolution the noble Lord followed up by provisions for effecting a gradual abolition. Now, “justice and humanity, and sound policy” are the words
New African | October 2011 | 35
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