Feature Nigeria
because they hail from other regions of the country, have strengthened the argument of those clamouring for the partitioning of the nation. Kukah insisted that any wise govern-
ment that knew how to manage differences and plurality would have prevented the death of the national service graduates. He regretted that the country had become an armed state with teenagers far below 15 years of age becoming gun-runners. However, he strongly believes that only
democracy, not partitioning the country, can solve the legion of problems besetting Nigeria; that the country can move forward only if all of its people realise that there is no one ethnic group responsible for all its troubles; and that Nigerians should realise that there should be no dominant ethnic group, in order to stop the clashes and move forward. To Kukah, it is the military, more than
any other institution, [that] has helped destroy the foundations of democracy in Nigeria and the population’s collective ex- istence, with their coups that helped to increase the tensions among the ethnic groups and diminished the capacity of the political class. In the book, he talks about the refusal
by Nigeria’s military generals to appear before the Oputa Panel, even though the Commission’s primary duty was to establish the extent of human rights violations that happened essentially under military rule. Tough part of the Commission’s pro-
ceedings was broadcast live on national television, critics say the inability to bring the army generals before the Commission to answer charges against them became a major weakness – one that was consist- ently trumpeted by sceptics who argued that the Commission was a waste of time and resources. Many Nigerians still believe that the
military is a purveyor of major human rights abuses and injustice. “Teir brutal- ity, hard-handedness, the killing squad then popularly known as ‘Kill-and-Go’, and the other threats on life, struck fear among the ordinary people”, and yet be- tween 1966 and 1999, the military cast itself as an institution with a reforming man- date to check the excesses of civilian politi- cians and tame corruption. Some former military heads of state, like Generals Abdulsalami Abubakar and Mo-
20 | October 2011 | New African
Justice Chukwudifu Oputa, who chaired the Commission
tice, Chief Olujimi, asked Nigerians to forget the Oputa Commission report, “be- cause the annulment by the Supreme Court [the ruling in Gen Babangida’s case] means that releasing the report would not make any meaning [as] it cannot be enforced.” Tough a decade has passed and the
Commission’s findings have not been pub- lished, the boldness, honesty and objectivity with which Bishop Kukah deals with the subject in his book, has offered some hope that one day the Oputa Report will see the light of day. On 8 September 2011, Kukah was or-
hammed Buhari, offered reasons why they decided to snub the Commission. As Gen Buhari said at the time: “Tere is no need to stand before a panel that has already pronounced guilt against the accused before hearing their story.” To date, Gen Ibrahim Babangida, who
ruled the country between August 1985 and August 1993, has not offered a reason why he refused to appear before the Com- mission. Instead, he went to the Supreme Court to challenge a summons served on him to appear. Interestingly, the court ruled in his favour, stating bizarrely that: “Te 1999 Constitution made no provision for Tribunals of Inquiry unlike the 1963 Con- stitution in item 39 of the Executive List.” In an earlier interview with New African,
Kukah held on to his belief that “there was nothing exceptional about what hap- pened with the Oputa panel. But like the truth commissions in South Africa, Sierra Leone, Ghana and elsewhere, the story of such commissions has always been conten- tious. But by giving people the chance to tell their own stories, “I can say the initiative was worth it.” Kukah’s book is historical in all its rami-
fications, and attempts to justify the efforts, time, and national resources committed to the Commission. Incidentally, the government that set up
the Commission tried at different times to thwart the publication of its findings – and succeeded in the end. In December 2004, the minister of jus-
dained bishop of the Sokoto Diocese in northern Nigeria. It is a testament to his sterling qualities as a human being and religious leader.
Reactions heralding the book: Bolaji Akinyemi, Nigeria’s former for-
eign minister: “Kukah never fails to as- tonish with the depth and breadth of his knowledge. He has deployed this in dealing with one of the most complex and explosive issues of our time. Te Ogoni issue has do- mestic and international dimensions which excite emotions on all sides.” Richard Dowden, journalist and di-
rector of the Royal African Society and author of Africa: Altered States: “Father Kukah has lifted the lid on a fascinating account of a terrible period of Nigerian his- tory. Tis book is a profound investigation into how to establish truth and bring out reconciliation.” Cllr Anna Mbachu, former mayor of
the London Borough of Waltham Forest: “Te book has brought forward what the world needs to know about what happened during the period under review. It should be read in high places – embassies, academic institutions, government establishments.” Olisa Agbakoba, civil rights activist
and former president of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA): “Kukah has written a ‘vade mecum’ on the trouble with Nigeria and our collective frustrations and feel- ings of marginalisation. Te book minutely documents our story as we grapple with the concept of nation building, fragile democracy and military rule or the lack of it.
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