let alone thrive, then they were going to have to be better at politics, not policy. Internally, there was a renewed focus on political outreach,
new campaign tactics and the realities of the political map of the country. While there continued to be concerns from those who were sceptical of any change, many more were hopeful for what this could mean. With Layton firmly in charge, the Leader charted a decidedly different course than where his predecessors could not, or would not, go. The 2004 and 2006 federal elections helped the rest of the
country get to know Layton, and for the Party to re-establish themselves in this new mould. Though each election result tested the internal resolve of the new direction, on Parliament Hill they were slowly gaining ground with an expanding cau- cus. In a perverse way, these successive minority governments may have been the best thing to happen to the NDP. It al- lowed the former Toronto municipal politician and Federa- tion of Canadian Municipalities’ President to live up to his reputation as a consensus builder. On the ground, the country was beginning to shift their view of politics and politicians. Voters seemed to view the NDP as a Party concertedly mov- ing beyond old stereotypes, and as a result they were prepared to lend the NDP their votes, votes once reserved for Liberal, Bloc or Green candidates. Not content with incremental improvements, Layton made a calculated but very high risk move. The NDP was going to focus on winning seats in Quebec. There were many who were nervous that this flight of fancy was going to waste precious resources. It was a significant risk for the NDP to split the focus from their base in manufacturing and rural communities to the more vote rich urban centres. Could they represent both effectively? Being an urbanite, Layton felt it was possible. But the more fundamental question… was Jack Layton really prepared to gamble on Quebec at the possible expense of Saskatchewan? Choosing Quebec City as their 2006 convention site sent a tangible signal that, yes, the NDP was embarking on this new journey to take a real shot at forming a national government. Sceptics of the Quebec strategy were everywhere, both in-
ternally and externally. At least until the by-election in Out- remont was called. With his victory, Thomas Mulcair was held up as the standard for what was possible for New Democrats – that the NDP could compete in any riding in the country – and the subsequent election of Linda Duncan in Edmon- ton Strathcona solidified this new thinking. Mr. Mulclair’s victory in Outremont wasn’t a fluke by-election win, but rather the result of Mr. Layton’s new dedication to winning in Quebec, a carefully planned strategy to win votes in ridings once thought lost to the NDP, and catching the right wave of change at the right time. Back on the Hill, as minority after minority government
continued their best to work through the business of the na- tion, the political instability allowed NDP caucus members to expand their range and showcase their ideas. Their thoughtful legislative work on pensions and the environment in particu- lar allowed deeper solutions to be explored. The caucus con-
tinued to use their legislative skills to great advantage in the House, in committee, and in the media. As the Liberals weakened, the NDP strengthened and were in a cautiously optimistic mood during the lengthy pre-elec- tion – on the verge of an election – period. While the Liberals continued to prop up the minority Conservative Govern- ment, but constantly complaining about them, the NDP used this time to not only continue to oppose the Government and declare that they were in fact the true Opposition Party, but to also test new campaign techniques and tactics. They tested and took greater advantage of social media, developed voter engagement opportunities, and refined database man- agement tools. They were communicating more efficiently with their members, especially when Parliament dealt with controversial issues such as gun control and the proroguing of Parliament. They also had a Leader whose personal polling numbers were getting stronger and stronger.
For New Democrats in particular this was the watershed moment. In the weeks, months and – frankly -the past 50 years, there has been a debate raging within the New Democrats: do we want to be the social conscience or the government?
Throughout the three successive minority governments,
Mr. Layton had been steadily increasing his personal popu- larity, polling high on questions about leadership and who Canadians believed would make the best Prime Minister. Ca- nadians were also connecting with Mr. Layton through his personal struggles. The honesty with which he dealt with his health issues, coupled with the way in which his team was promoting issues that were integral to the lives of everyday Canadians, was resonating with voters looking for change and willing to look beyond the “socialist” label. Team Layton was more determined than ever to focus on recruiting a wider range of practical, electable candidates. This was especially true in key targeted ridings. These higher profile candidates were often nominated early and worked their ridings hard, allowing them to build the infrastructure required to take ad- vantage of the changing tides. When the Harper Government fell, many were nervous about how Mr. Layton would fare during the gruelling pace of the campaign given his health issues. Could he manage the hectic pace of an election campaign that involved lengthy travel on buses and planes? Could he even stand through a 90 minute televised debate? Just as important, would he falter at the 11th hour as had happened to so many other leaders
June 2011 | Campaigns & Elections 43
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