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new office, settling on the humble though dignified “Mr. President.” Even in creating a new government


in the Constitution, they gave spe- cial emphasis, especially in the Bill of Rights, to what government could not do to limit the freedoms of citizens. They so revered a citizenry able to determine its own destiny that the very concept of “citizen” was seen by some as a type of office, com- plete with responsibilities. This perspective is also reflect- ed in Article One’s creation of the House of Representatives, which all saw as the “people’s house.” Contrast this to collectiv-


ist states everywhere. They universally require a strong, central leader — what some political scientists have described as the “leader prin- ciple.” Hence, the enforced reverence for Stalin, Mao, and Ho Chi Min in the collectivist states they ruled. Class warfare and an easy depen-


when it comes to cherished liberals, such as Obama, Bill Clinton, Hillary Clinton, and others. One persistent and pernicious


myth is that Obama was a “constitu- tional law professor.” In fact, he was only a part-time


teacher of civil rights law. Of course, as the popular left drives up Obama with myth, it must drive


while their consultants tell them to be soggy. Obama is soggy, and is defined that way both by his worldview, and by the objectives of his presidency. Obama will go down in history as


Reagan oſten cited the American Revolution . . . American liberals, by contrast, get their inspiration from the French Revolution.


down Reagan with innuendo and pre- varications.


U


dency on the state are central to the collectivist state. Paine knew this, writing “What we obtain too cheap, we esteem to lightly.” It is not difficult to imagine the


millions of illegal aliens being granted what is more or less citizenry in Amer- ica — even though they did nothing to earn it. Obama knows what he is doing — creating a new class of government dependents, easily persuaded to sup- port him and his party. As for class warfare, this has


become a staple of the Obama White House and the modern Democratic Party. Even after a crushing defeat last November, there’s already a Demo- cratic proposal on the Hill for a new “soak the rich again” tax. Mythology often accompanies the


strong leader in order to make him more omnipresent to the nation they rule. The ruling elites of America have promoted one myth after another


pon leaving office in 1989, Reagan said his greatest achievement was


restoring the morale and self-confi- dence of the American people. But for the broken country he


inherited in 1980 to win the Cold War and right itself, he knew it was neces- sary for the citizenry to believe in the future, and in themselves. Confident people generate growing economies and industries. These became tools Reagan used to defeat an Evil Empire. Reagan’s reverence for “Ameri-


can exceptionalism” is well-known, as is Obama’s rejection of it. Writer Michael Barone once brilliantly com- pared and contrasted American pol- iticians as either soggy or crunchy. Soggy means individuals must depend on the state. Crunchy means individu- als must depend upon themselves. Ergo, JFK was crunchy but Jimmy


Carter was soggy. George H.W. Bush was soggy while Ronald Reagan was crunchy. Modern Democrats tend to be soggy, while the GOP is more schizophrenic. Their minds and con- servatism tell them to be crunchy,


the first African-American president. But despite his cheerleaders in the colleges and universities and the so- called mainstream media, only time will determine his place in history. As the years go by, I suspect


he will rank low. He clearly loves being a celebrity, but it is debatable whether he ever understood the difference between stagecraft and state- craft. One thing Obama and his fellow American liberals believe in is the authority of


the state. That’s no surprise given his appreciation for all things French. The French revolution spawned collectivism, Jacobinism, and the notion of “social justice.” The Jaco- bins were the violent, radical element of the French Revolution. Many of them believed that in order to attain true justice, all elements of private property and ownership should be destroyed. That way, everyone would be equal. The French Revolution was the


first modern, totalitarian insurrection: It simply replaced one authoritarian state with another. It also rejected God and religion, in contrast to the Ameri- can Revolution, which embraced both God and the freedom to worship. Barack Obama as a president, and


by his very outlook, is the polar oppo- site of Ronald Reagan.


Presidential historian Craig Shirley has written four books on Ronald Reagan, including the critically acclaimed Rendezvous with Destiny and Reagan’s


Revolution. He also wrote The New York Times best-seller December 1941, and is president of Shirley & Banister Public Affairs.


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