AUTOCRACY TO DEMOCRACY … AND BACK AGAIN Democracy and equal rights for women are rare in world history. Every country that is a democracy today was once an autocracy (or was part of one). When countries have transformed into durable democra- cies, it is because democratic move- ments mobilized to challenge the sta- tus quo and, over time, successfully pushed forward change. In fact, it was women’s activism—
demanding the right to vote, to own property, to have constitutionally protected bodily autonomy, and to have civil and political rights for all people—that inaugurated the expan- sion of global democracy in the 20th century. Our research finds that dur- ing the postwar period, mass move- ments demanding independence and democracy were more successful at achieving their aims when women par- ticipated in larger numbers at the front lines. From the Philippines to Brazil, from Tunisia to Argentina, from Chile to Sudan, “people power” movements were more likely to usher in sustained democratization when at least 25 per- cent of their participants were women. Yet in recent years, many democra-
cies have slid back into authoritarian- ism, unable to stave off the rise of illiberal forces. For the 16th consecu- tive year, the world has been moving toward authoritarianism—what some have called a “democratic recession.” Today, the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) project reports that only 30 percent of people in the world live in democracies. Often dismissed as simply a feature
of autocrats’ personalities, misogy- nistic leadership appears to help bring authoritarianism to fragile democracies. Unsurprisingly, re- searchers have also discovered that women’s rights and gender equality gains have stalled or, worse, are being reversed. For instance, India, Myan- mar and Venezuela have seen recent downgrades in levels of both democ- racy and women’s equality. Fully autocratic countries like Rus-
www.msmagazine.com
sia, Turkey and China show us what consolidated patriarchal control looks like: Women are considered subordinate to men in the home, in the workplace and in public office. In Turkey, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has called women who choose to work rather than have children “half persons.” In all three countries, there are few protections for women seeking redress
for sexual or gender-based violence. Chinese tennis star Peng Shuai was si- lenced after publicly claiming that she had been sexually assaulted by a senior Communist Party official. The Russian government decriminalized some forms of domestic violence in 2017, later claiming that men were more likely to be victims of “discrimination” in domestic abuse cases. In these countries—and many others—reproductive rights are under threat
or, in some cases, nonexistent. In China, women’s reproduction was policed for decades under the “one child” policy. That has been relaxed to increase the country’s population, but some Chinese feminists now worry that the govern- ment’s call for Chinese women to produce three children might inspire future intrusive reproductive policies. Calls for “traditional values” facilitate the subjugation of women and
LGBTQ+ people. Russian President Vladimir Putin justified his own author- itarian power grab in 2012 by invoking patriarchal and homophobic rhetoric. In his Feb. 24 speech, in which he rationalized his armed forces’ invasion of Ukraine, Putin invoked a defense of Russia’s “traditional values” against the West’s “false values” that “are directly leading to degradation and degenera- tion, because they are contrary to human nature”—a reference to the expan- sion of feminist and LGBTQ+ rights within the West.
TOWARD A FEMINIST DEMOCRACY There is much we can do to protect and expand the hard-won rights that are already enshrined in policy and which, in turn, protect democracy. First, it is crucial to fully understand that assaults on women’s and LGBTQ+ autonomy, well-being and rights are assaults on constitutional democracy. A country in which more than half the population is subordinated politically, socially, eco- nomically and culturally is not a democracy. Corresponding assaults on democracy—including restrictions on ballot ac-
cess, protest and public expression, and weakening the rule of law—can unrav- el women’s equality, particularly for marginalized and subjugated groups. The fate of women’s rights is tied to the fate of democracy, and women’s mobiliza- tion can help to secure both. More than 100 years ago, women worldwide mobilized for their inclusion in
democracy. And they have since used their political power to demand funda- mental rights in healthcare, employment and domestic life. As a result, women have become key constituents with whom authoritarian leaders and parties have to contend—and often seek to control. This finding is instructive: Women and their allies mobilize when their
rights are under assault, but they are even more powerful when they mobilize on broad-based issues. Women from all walks of life must continue to be vocal champions of inclusive democracy. Feminist candidates, women elected officials and feminist policies are funda-
mental to the health and well-being of democracy. Feminists must find their political homes and invest in them. Women, gender minorities and feminists of all genders who are already engaged need to stay engaged. For those who have taken these hard-won rights for granted, the time has come to take a stand. n
ZOE MARKS is a lecturer in public policy and a faculty affiliate at Harvard University. ERICA CHENOWETH is a professor at Harvard Kennedy School and at the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study.
SPRING 2022 | 23
Page 1 |
Page 2 |
Page 3 |
Page 4 |
Page 5 |
Page 6 |
Page 7 |
Page 8 |
Page 9 |
Page 10 |
Page 11 |
Page 12 |
Page 13 |
Page 14 |
Page 15 |
Page 16 |
Page 17 |
Page 18 |
Page 19 |
Page 20 |
Page 21 |
Page 22 |
Page 23 |
Page 24 |
Page 25 |
Page 26 |
Page 27 |
Page 28 |
Page 29 |
Page 30 |
Page 31 |
Page 32 |
Page 33 |
Page 34 |
Page 35 |
Page 36 |
Page 37 |
Page 38 |
Page 39 |
Page 40 |
Page 41 |
Page 42 |
Page 43 |
Page 44 |
Page 45 |
Page 46 |
Page 47 |
Page 48 |
Page 49 |
Page 50 |
Page 51 |
Page 52
