political control. Moreover, women’s political equality has lagged behind other legal and social advancements. The feminist project was never com- plete nor equally shared, and further progress is not guaranteed. These developments in the U.S. re-
flect a troubling pattern: Around the world, patriarchal authoritarianism is on the rise, and democracy is on the decline. The connection between sex- ism and authoritarianism is not coin- cidental, or a mere character flaw of individual misogynists-in-chief. Women’s political power is essential
to a properly functioning multiracial democracy, and fully free, empowered women are a threat to autocracy. As- saults on women’s and LGBTQ+ rights—and attempts to put women “in their place”—constitute a backlash against feminist progress expanding women’s full inclusion in public life. As women’s participation becomes
more prominent in domestic and in- ternational politics, our research sheds light on why political sexism and gen- der policing are also becoming more virulent—and what to do about it.
THE BATTLE FOR AMERICAN DEMOCRACY 2020 was a close call for U.S. democ- racy. Donald Trump’s attempt to over-
Clockwise from top left: Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis (R) holds up an image from a children’s book about a trans kid before signing the “Parental Rights in Education” (aka “Don’t Say Gay”) bill; after then- President Donald Trump dubbed Gov. Gretchen Whitmer (D) the “lockup queen” over Michigan’s 2020 COVID-19 restrictions, a group of men allegedly plotted to kidnap and execute her, and armed militiamen gathered outside—and even inside—the state Capitol; Gov. Greg Abbott (R) and supporters of SB 8, the “Texas Heartbeat Act,” celebrate the abortion ban becoming law; Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) has said he’s made it his goal “to do everything we can, for as long as we can, to transform the federal judiciary”—this included blocking then-President Barack Obama’s Supreme Court nominee in 2016.
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turn the election on Jan. 6, 2021, was one episode in a sustained assault on the rule of law, key federal institutions, public trust in elections and truth itself. During Trump’s one-term presidency, there was an unprecedented wave of
civic mobilization organized and led largely by women intent on resisting Trumpism—from the historic 2017 Women’s March and the #MeToo move- ment to the massive and sustained anti-racism demonstrations of 2020, which built on years of Black Lives Matter protests and organizing. People from all walks of life and across generations protested not simply against Trump’s poli- cies, but in support of a multiracial vision of America that includes immigrants, people with disabilities, youth and others from historically oppressed groups. This grassroots mobilization fueled the most gender inclusive and racially
diverse midterm electoral slate in American history. A decisive blue wave in 2018 put women’s political power at the top of the agenda. Civic groups helped to catalyze a pro-democracy coalition that won the 2020 presidential election. These protest movements and electoral victories signaled Americans’ appetite for progressive solidarity that transcends single-issue politics. They showed the power of grassroots feminist democracy rooted in an intersectional framework. The rising extremist wing of the Republican Party has responded by accel-
erating a new version of the culture wars, manufacturing moral panic about critical race theory, transgender students and public health mandates. Because the GOP is the minority party in Congress, the backlash has been concentrated primarily in red and swing states. From Florida to Texas, Idaho to Iowa, a pa- triarchal power grab is in motion. With a sympathetic Supreme Court stacked with conservative justices and a polarized media landscape, the backlash has been swift, fierce and potentially devastating for racial and gender equality. It is not an accident that these measures are occurring alongside restrictions
on access to the ballot, increased penalties for certain kinds of protest, and the rise of an anti-democratic streak in American politics.
PATRIARCHAL AUTHORITARIANISM Authoritarianism rejects political competition and promotes a strong central power that upholds the political and social status quo. Autocrats try to main- tain control by attacking the rule of law, separation of powers, political expres- sion and fair elections. But strongmen and their enablers also tend to usurp power in part by pro-
moting a conservative and binary gender hierarchy. Patriarchy is, in the words of political scientist Valerie Hudson and her colleagues, the “first political or- der.” And it is closely related to authoritarianism. Authoritarian backsliding oc- curs when women are stripped of equal access, opportunity and rights in the workplace, in the public sphere and at home. By strengthening men’s control over the women and girls in their lives, authoritarian leaders strike a patriarchal bargain, doling out private authority in exchange for public loyalty to the strongman. Incidentally, many women buy into the bargain, too. Women from dominant groups and classes are often willing to promote conservative gender norms and policies that retrench the status quo. The policing of gender expres- sion and relations becomes a powerful tool for promoting a hegemonic racial, religious or ethnic national identity. Thus, alongside assaults on democracy, patriarchal authoritarians also pro- mote increased state control over women’s bodies; the subordination of women
BY STRENGTHENING MEN’S CONTROL OVER THE WOMEN AND GIRLS IN THEIR LIVES, AUTHORITARIAN LEADERS STRIKE A PATRIARCHAL BARGAIN, DOLING OUT PRIVATE AUTHORITY IN EXCHANGE FOR PUBLIC LOYALTY TO THE STRONGMAN.
SPRING 2022 | 21
DOUGLAS R. CLIFFORD/AP; @SENPOLEHANKI ; KENT NISHIMUR/GETTY IMAGES; @SENBRYANHUGHES
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