EUROVISION AND THE EAST


both states have broadly faced similar challenges since independence. Both have had to renegotiate their geopolitical position in relation to East and West and both can be considered ‘plural society states’, home to ethnically diverse populations with differing understandings and interpretations of their recent history. It is therefore interesting to observe how these countries have represented these differences in the external image and the identity they project to a wider global audience. The key research questions of my study examined constructions of national identity. What ‘official’ representations of national identity have the countries chosen to present through either hosting or participating in the ESC? Who ultimately took the decisions on how each contest was staged in Estonia and Ukraine? How contested have these representations been? For Estonia there was a symbolic attachment to the Eurovision Song Contest as viewers in the north of the country were able to watch the programme via Finnish Television during Soviet times. This clandestine ritual was a form of resistance to Soviet rule and when Estonia won in May 2001 the then Prime Minister, Mart Laar, declared to a jubilant crowd: “Estonians crumbled the Soviet empire through singing and that is how we will enter Europe, not knocking on the door, but by singing.” Initially there were doubts in the (western)


European media about Estonia’s ability to host the event. Mart Laar himself became involved in the organisation and his government provided the necessary funding to Estonian Television in order to secure the event in Tallinn in 2002. The rhetoric around the financing of the event shows that the Laar government saw value in hosting the competition, and particularly wanted to counter negative stereotypes of ‘backward’ Eastern European Estonia represented in the Western European media. This is precisely the image that Estonian politicians have been trying to dispel since independence. In fact, analysis of the media debates from the time show that Estonia chose to promote its ‘Nordic’ credentials through staging the ESC as a way to distance itself from the former Soviet Union. The rhetoric concerning Dave Benton (one half


of the winning duo for Estonia who is originally from Aruba) also highlighted issues of Estonian multiculturalism and how the sizeable Russian- speaking minority integrates with the rest of the country’s population.


Above left: the 2005 Eurovision contest in Ukraine followed Orange Revolution protests against corruption in the presidential election;


Left: it may be entertainment but the contest raises serious political issues


The decision by the Estonian production team to screen an introductory clip called ‘Freedom’ directly before the Russian entry signalled a strong message about the country’s relationship with Russia. On the face of it, Russian speakers in Estonia are fully integrated; they speak Estonian and hold Estonian citizenship but the research shows that integration issues are more complicated in Estonia than the previous literature suggests. Many Russian speakers interviewed stated that somehow their difference is flagged, whether consciously or not and these respondents represent a form of hybridity.


“ Countries attribute


different meanings to the Eurovision song contest


In Ukraine the Eurovision Song Contest played a significant role in promoting and refining a positive international image of the country. Unlike Estonia, Ukraine’s return to Europe has been protracted and confused. Ukrainian political leaders essentially walked


”


a tightrope between emphasising EU integration whilst balancing the demands of the Russian government. Also, the legacy of the 1986 Chernobyl nuclear disaster has continued to have an impact on the international image of post-Soviet Ukraine. The hosting of the 2005 ESC in Kyiv took on


even greater significance following the political protests known internationally as the Orange Revolution which took place across the country at the end of 2004. As such the 2005 event was a highly politicised affair and effectively became a mouthpiece for the Orange Revolution government with the slogan ‘Awakening’. A study of the 2005 ESC offers a potentially rich set of insights into the nature of the Orange Revolution and the accompanying debates on Ukrainian nation-building and Ukraine’s place in Europe more generally. President Yushchenko, who appeared on the stage at the show finale, became personally involved in the organisation of the event after widespread delays prompted an ultimatum from the European Broadcasting Union. Failure to stage the event successfully would have damaged the international standing of the country.


Azerbaijan is preparing to host the 2012 ESC in


Baku. With this come serious questions concerning human rights, freedom of the press as well as on-going disputes with Armenia. As the contest continues to expand and be staged in new territories it offers further potential for future research. n


i


Dr Paul Jordan is an expert on the Eurovision Song Contest and author of the thesis The Eurovision Song Contest: Nation Branding and Nation Building in Estonia and Ukraine


Email jordanpt@cardiff.ac.uk Web theses.gla.ac.uk/2972 - www.dreurovision.com ESRC Grant number PTA-031-2005-00100


SPRING 2012 SOCIETY NOW 15


Page 1  |  Page 2  |  Page 3  |  Page 4  |  Page 5  |  Page 6  |  Page 7  |  Page 8  |  Page 9  |  Page 10  |  Page 11  |  Page 12  |  Page 13  |  Page 14  |  Page 15  |  Page 16  |  Page 17  |  Page 18  |  Page 19  |  Page 20  |  Page 21  |  Page 22  |  Page 23  |  Page 24  |  Page 25  |  Page 26  |  Page 27  |  Page 28  |  Page 29  |  Page 30  |  Page 31  |  Page 32