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PARLIAMENTARY PRIVILEGE


“There is


undoubtedly a tension between the public interest in bringing to justice those accused of criminal offences, and the public interest in the absolute protection afforded to freedom of speech in Parliament.”


by the other side—contravening the basic tenet that proceedings in Parliament should not be questioned in the courts. After considering several options,


including legislation, we concluded that the current concerns were not sufficient to warrant legislation. We made clear in our report, however, that Parliament should be prepared to legislate to protect its privileges, should the courts encroach further into Parliament’s area of exclusive jurisdiction. The government agreed with us


they might be applied in a modern context. While we acknowledged that


legislation had worked well in Australia since the late 1980s, our preference was to avoid legislation, which we believed could risk a radical shift of power from Parliament to the courts, opening up the possibility of judicial scrutiny of parliamentary proceedings, and potentially increasing uncertainty about how contempts which were not covered by any criminal statute could, or should, be dealt with. Instead, we urged both Houses


to assert their existing privileges and put in place procedures to exert those privileges that meet contemporary standards of fairness and due process. Our report set out in detail


what those procedures might involve, including issues such as a right of reply and access to legal counsel. The government, in their response to our report, agreed that legislation was not the right approach and supported our call for the two Houses to set out how clearly their powers would and should be exercised.


Judicial questioning of proceedings in Parliament Another area of concern addressed by the green paper was judicial questioning of proceedings in Parliament. Underlying the relationship between Parliament and the judiciary in the UK is what has been described as the principle of “comity”. Both Parliament and the judiciary recognize that conflict


is likely to damage the constitution as a whole, and they therefore each “respect the sphere of action and the privileges of the other”. Despite the general principle


of comity, which nobody would challenge, there is occasional tension. The main current area of


concern is the growth of “judicial review” cases, where ministerial statements to Parliament have on occasion been admitted as evidence. Even more disturbing have been several instances of courts going much further, praying in aid select committee reports when reaching decisions. In an adversarial system, the


admission in evidence of select committee reports by one side will necessarily lead to its questioning


that there was no need for legislation at the present time, and stated that the issue could be revisited should there be an increase in inappropriate judicial questioning of Parliament.


Conclusion I have covered here only the most significant of the many issues raised in the green paper. Throughout the inquiry it was clear that, although the origins of parliamentary privilege in the U.K. are ancient, it remains relevant in the modern world. The fact that privilege is nowhere


codified means that it can adapt and evolve, even while the essential principle – that Parliament should be able to carry out its work effectively and without interference –remains unchanged.


The Parliamentarian | 2014: Issue One | 49


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