THE PRICE IN POLITICS
“Put simply, the capacity of lobbyists to gain access to politicians and senior public servants is demonstrative of one of the
problems besetting modern politics.”
we ensure a fair, equitable, and honest interplay between the represented and the government. Lobbyists, through their access to powerful people, have power and influence, or at least the perception of it.
There is a perception and demonstrated circumstances in which their activities have significantly affected the business of government, whether it is to the greater benefit of the people, or conversely, the private benefit of the people whom the lobbyists represent. Amongst the reforms introduced by the Lobbying of Government Officials Act 2011 were the banning of success fees for lobbyists and former ministers and parliamentary secretaries were prohibited from engaging in lobbying activities for 18 months after their exit from parliament.
The issue of success fees was of particular concern because, depending on the degree to which a lobbyist was willing to be unethical, their ends could be achieved and would be remunerated based on the extent to which they delved into the depths of dishonesty. The penalties in place for success fees reveal the preoccupation this issue has in NSW public life; corporations can be fined up to A$55,000 and individuals A$22,000.
Lobbyists have faced further
regulation since the introduction of this Act. Mike Baird, who succeeded Barry O’Farrell, retained lobbying regulation as a focus of his government’s plan.
Under the Baird reforms, our Electoral Commission was empowered as the independent regulator of
lobbyists in NSW. Ethical standards were applied to third-party lobbyists and the regulator now has the power to investigate alleged breaches and impose sanctions which could result in firms being removed from the Lobbyists Register.
Ministers are
required to publish quarterly diary summaries of meetings with external organisations on portfolio related activities and the Ministerial Code of Conduct is enforceable by the watchdog, the ICAC.
Additionally, the provisions of the Ministerial Code of Conduct have been strengthened, such that a substantial breach of the Code will now constitute corrupt conduct for the purposes of the ICAC Act.
These further standards and requirements, legislated in 2014 have placed increased pressure on Ministers and the lobbyists. It is not only lobbyists that come under scrutiny. The other classes of people and organisations are those who are able to exert influence directly
through donations to political parties. Governments are inherently linked to their political base, and therein, financial support for a party that is in government can easily lead to an unwanted causal link; donors, through money alone, could influence the decision-making process.
Conclusion
All these examples demonstrate the complexity of the issue; balance is difficult to achieve when the assertion that money offers power is not baseless; rather, it has the real potential to sway the decision making of governments and to influence policies in ways that provide benefits to certain groups that can concurrently be detrimental
to others.
None of us are in a position to furnish anyone with a framework and say that it solves the problem. The nature of government, politics and political parties are fluid and must be able to hear and respond to all people, regardless of their power or lack thereof.
The dilemma in our context, and the way in which our government has approached it shows that a solution cannot be found overnight.
The polices are evolving, and with due process, there is great potential in eventually having a system in place that is fair to all constituents, but also one that ensures electors retain their faith in the democratic institutions.
The Parliamentarian | 2015: Issue Three | 171
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