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Cover Story Black History Month


A group of African slaves on a US plantation during the time of the Civil War pose reluctantly for a photograph


it must be absolutely ruined by that abolition. Now I come to the point which the Right Honourable Gentle-


man reminded me of; which is a declaration of mine in this House, from which I do not shrink. What I said then was what I shall now repeat, notwithstanding what has been said by that Right Honourable Gentleman. Tat, knowing the benefits that have resulted to this country from


the Slave Trade, I think it would have been advisable to institute rather than abolish such a Trade; for I know that if it had not been for that Trade, this country would never have been in its present in- dependent situation. Will anyone assert that Europeans can cultivate our colonies?


If he thinks so, I would advise him to look at the returns of the mortality of our regiments which do military service there, and that will correct his judgement; for certain it is that Europeans cannot live there!


William Wilberforce, the great abolitionist, had heard enough from the Liverpudlians, so he rose and told the House: With regard to one part of the speech of the Honourable General [Gascoyne], I allude to the levity with which he treated Scripture; and I am doubtful whether he might not have been checked by the regular


enforcement of the orders of the House, which have decorum for their basis. Could I persuade myself that the Honourable General really believes that the Slave Trade is sanctioned by our holy reli- gion [Christianity], I should be disposed to pity his weakness, and should willingly endeavour to rectify his mistaken judgement in the spirit of mildness and conciliation. But it is impossible not to perceive, in the very tone and manner


of his allusion to the sacred writings, that their authority has not been adduced by him for any purpose of grave and serious argu- ment, on the present occasion. It seems therefore unnecessary for me to disprove the allegation that Scripture gives any countenance to the Slave Trade, especially as I am fully confident that this House is already impressed with a contrary conviction. Indeed, among the various signal proofs of the purity and ex-


cellence of the religion we profess, it is not the least remarkable that not only is the practice of the Slave Trade forbidden, and the principle on which it proceeds held out for our abhorrence, but it is specifically denounced as “the stealers of men”. Besides, the criminality of this practice is put on plain and uni-


versal principles, clear in their meaning, and reasonable in their ap- plication; principles which both pointedly interdict the indulgence of vicious and mercenary wishes, and require us always to act on motives of love and kindness, and goodwill to man. Indeed it is one of the glories of Christianity to have gradually


extinguished the Slave Trade, and even slavery, wherever its influ- ence was felt... Now, Sir, with regard to the principle of duty on the importation of Negroes into the West India colonies, does not my noble friend recollect that although during the time we have been


42 | October 2011 | New African


discussing this subject, the price of slaves has increased 100 per cent, that is to say, from £30 to £70 a head, a much larger increase than any duty which he would think of imposing, the number of slaves imported into the colonies has not diminished? Besides, if we cannot do anything effectual in this matter


without the consent of the colonies, what hope can we entertain of obtaining that consent to the noble Lord’s system of duty? In short, I am persuaded that the smuggling of Negroes, after the importation shall have been totally prohibited, is no subject of just apprehension, and as an argument against abolition, amounts to almost nothing. Tus, although in the year 1791, 300 persons voted against abolition, yet in the year 1792 when a proper feeling upon it had been excited, there was a very large majority of this House in favour of that measure; and yet, so clear is it, that where there is no personal interest, the zeal of mankind abates, that in this very matter the zeal of the members of this House actually died away, and they became almost indifferent about it. Tey were satisfied with this one exertion, and, on subsequent


occasions, stayed away from the discussions, and, although the whole of the country had declared the Trade to be the most abominable system of cruelty that ever disgraced any part of the civilised world, yet nothing effectual was done. Tere is a shame in the recollec- tion of some of these events, and I must say that this House and the public are indebted to my Right Honourable Friend [Mr Fox] for proposing a vote to rescue this House from so disgraceful a situation, and to do justice to the injured character of Parliament. What evils my noble friend can possibly allude to, I cannot


conceive. Tere certainly are none that have any affinity with the Slave Trade, which have existed in this country since those days of gloomy bigotry and furious fanaticism, from the


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