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20 million to 7 million (FAOSTAT 2013). In Kazakhstan, there were 33.9 million sheep in 1992, but by 1999 that number had dropped 75 per cent to 8.6 million (Lioubimtseva and Henebry 2009). The drop in livestock inventories led in turn to a drop in demand for feed grain and pastures across the region. Although the free-fall in livestock inventories has slowed since 2000, large industrial farms have been shifting away from livestock and toward crop production (Ioffe et al. 2012), and livestock inventories continue to decrease, particularly in areas with extensive herding, such as Central Asia, Kazakhstan and semi-arid and arid zones of the Russian Federation (Lioubimtseva and Henebry 2009, 2012). Between 1991 and 2001 meat production in the Russian Federation, Ukraine and Kazakhstan shrunk by 50 per cent (OECD 2002).


129: Global food trade and its implications for land use


While the dynamics of land use and economic development have long been intertwined, globalization is today an important driver shifting world ecological-economic relationships (Kastner et al. 2014; Fischer-Kowalski and Haberl 2007). Pressures on land systems are a key consequence, often associated with land use and land cover change (Schaffartzik et al. 2015; Henders and Ostwald 2014). Understanding and altering Europe’s economic relationships between human activities and anthropogenic landscapes requires not only an appreciation of processes that occur within European borders, but also a consideration of the indirect linkages between populations and lands that lie on either sides of regional boundaries (Wiedmann 2009). Europe imports large quantities of food from, and is highly integrated within and dependent on, global flows of land use embodied in trade. Weinzettel et al. (2013), measuring in terms of global hectares, found that in 2004, the area of Europe west of the Ural Mountains had a per capita consumption of up to 2.5 global hectares. Indeed, considerable net subsidies to Western European final demand originated in land use in the Russian Federation and Eastern Europe, with China, Africa and Latin America also playing strong roles (Bergmann and Holmberg 2016; see Figures-L2 47, 48 and 49). In Western and Eastern Europe and the Russian Federation respectively, 33 per cent and 27 per cent of croplands that were embodied in imports were in the form of manufactured goods or


services. The percentages of forest land used in imports that were associated with final demand in manufactured goods and services were especially intense, at 73 per cent and 69 per cent respectively for the two sub-regions (Bergmann and Holmberg 2016).


Figure-L2 47: Food production and food trade dynamics


Figure-L2 46: The world map of crops for humans illustrates how certain continents, including Europe, use land inefficiently, cycling nutrients through crops mainly for livestock and other purposes such as biofuels to satisfy demand for animal products and cheap


transportation. Source: Cassidy et al. 2013


Two world maps illustrate how global trade and the force of capital influence how land and biocapacity is used, creating huge impacts on the. proportion of food/bioproduct “miles” and storage which increase further economic costs and which also lead to deterioration in nutrient value of the food, increase risks of disease transmission and waste.


130: Green infrastructure and its health effects


Green infrastructure (GI) as a concept is particularly relevant to the Western European highly developed landscape and is defined as a network of natural and semi-natural features, green spaces, rivers and lakes that intersperse and connect villages, towns and cities. It might also be described as ecological restoration (EEA 2014h). When appropriately protected, planned, designed and managed, GI has the


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