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Foreword D


uring the 1980s, agricultural-sector reforms in many developing coun- tries led to the dismantling of rural producer organizations (RPOs)— farmers’ organizations, associations, and cooperatives. This was part of a larger process aimed at reducing the role of the state in the economy, eliminating inefficiencies in food production, and encouraging the growth of competitive markets in the agricultural sector. These reforms assumed that the private sector would replace the state as the key source of agricultural inputs and marketing services for smallholder farmers. While this has occurred in some countries with respect to cash crops, it is far less common in the case of staple foodcrops—crops that are critical to the livelihoods of the vast majority of smallholders in the developing world.


In recent years, RPOs have reappeared on the international development agenda as a potentially important means of linking farmers to markets, increas- ing agricultural productivity, and ultimately reducing rural poverty. Innova- tive RPO models are being held up as the key to helping smallholders better manage the procurement and distribution of inputs, aggregate their surplus farm output, and bargain for better terms of trade in the marketplace. These same models are also being leveraged to help government agencies and non- governmental organizations to better identify and reach out to the rural poor with an array of social and economic welfare programs. However, it is not clear how effective these RPO models may be, particu- larly for smallholders who cultivate food staples. What is missing is a suffi- cient body of evidence on where, when, and how RPOs benefit the rural poor— a significant gap in light of the checkered history of cooperatives in many countries. While evidence suggests that cooperatives play a constructive role when high-value agricultural commodities such as dairy and horticultural products are involved, there is far less evidence of their contribution to increasing returns to farmers who cultivate staple foods, particularly cere- als. This is because food staples are quite different from high-value crops in that they rarely offer the lucrative returns to farmers that high-value crops do. Staples are also more susceptible to distortions caused by urban-biased price-control policies and the competing price effects of food aid and food imports.


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