Xinjiang 181
all persuaded analysts in Beijing that Central Asian Islam is a serious long-term threat to China’s stability.
Economic reform in Xinjiang
Beijing’s strategy in dealing with the problem of ethnic separatism in Xinjiang since the early 1990s has been twofold. On the one hand, there has been ruthless repression of any unoffi cial religious activity and any political or cultural activities that could be classifi ed as separatist. On the other hand, the CCP has embarked on an ambitious programme of economic reform, on the assumption that the principal underlying reason for the disaffection of the Uyghurs is not ethnic nationalism but poverty and underdevelopment. The decision was made to confront the problem of the relative underdevelopment of China’s western provinces as a whole and the policy of the Great Development of the Western Regions (Xibu da kaifa), the Go West policy, was launched in 2000 in Chengdu, the capital of Sichuan province (see Chapter 21).
The development of the energy resources of Xinjiang has been one of the notable consequences of the Go West policy. An oil pipeline which links the region with Kazakhstan and another pipeline which transports much-needed natural gas to fuel the industrial and commercial development of Shanghai are two of the most important enterprises, although the impetus for both projects predates the announcement of the Go West policy. Both are major infrastructure projects which are designed to ensure that Xinjiang’s vast natural resources are deployed to support the overall development of China’s economy. Both have been fi nanced through partnerships with foreign corporations, although China has retained overall control of the process.
There has also been substantial investment in the oilfi elds of northern Xinjiang, which has enjoyed far greater development than the predominantly agricultural south of the region. This has been achieved in part by the import of modern technology, technical expertise and labour, in some cases from abroad but mainly from the east of China. The expertise and labour is provided by predominantly Han Chinese engineers, technicians and workers and their presence in the region in well-paid and high-status occupations has increased the anxiety of Uyghurs, who are usually less well educated and less competent in the Chinese language, that they are being marginalised in their own land.
In spite of the undoubted improvements in the economy of much of Xinjiang over the past fi ve years, ethnic and political tensions remain unresolved. For the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the preservation of Xinjiang as an integral part of the PRC is non-negotiable: it is seen as a vital source of China’s escalating energy requirements and is essential to the security of China’s Inner Asian borders, especially since the establishment of US bases in Central Asia. It is also a matter of national pride that no part of the existing territory of China should be lost.
Although there have been no serious disturbances in Xinjiang since the late 1990s or associated acts of political terror, the problem has not disappeared.
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