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LAPPS

The “structure” of a wine is its solid components— “the combined effect of elements such as acidity, tannin, glycerin, alcohol and sugar as they related to a wine’s tex- ture” (Steiman, p. 231). The concept of structure has gen- erated terms like “backbone,” “frame,” and “framework.”

Especially interesting and creative are metaphors based on personality and character. Wines, whose prop- erties are immediately apparent, can be “generous,” “ap- proachable,” “assertive,” “bold,” “brash,” “loud,” “sassy,” “flamboyant,” or “in-your-face.” Wines with subtler properties are “shy,” “sly,” “reserved,” “reticent,” or “subtle.” Many terms based on human personality are mainly evaluative: “agile,” “charming,” “classy,” “diplo- matic,” “friendly,” “graceful,” “polished,” “refined,” and “elegant” are positive, while “aggressive,” “stingy,” and “mean” are negative.

Some wine descriptors are based on age and the life cycle. “Young” and “old” are a function not only of when a wine was made but also of its stage of development from grape juice to drinkable wine to vinegar. Wines that are too young can be “immature,” “green,” “closed,” “dumb” (mute), “tight,” (tightly closed, tightly wound), or “locked in.” Wines at the peak of drinkability are “open,” “ma- ture,” “ripe,” “developed,” “evolved,” or “mellow.” Wines that are too old can be described as “withered,” “dying,” “decrepit,” “over-the-hill,” or “senile.”

“Balance” is the way in which the various wine com- ponents interact. Positive descriptors include “balanced,” “harmonious,” “integrated,” “focused,” “formed,” “coor- dinated,” and “well-defined.” Negative words are “un- balanced,” “unharmonious,” “diffuse,” “disjointed,” “uncoordinated,” and “muddled.”

In the vocabulary of wine description, synonyms can be added for existing concepts. “Big” is a conventional word for full-bodied wines, and general mechanisms of semantic extension allow speakers to generate descriptors like “gigantic,” “towering,” or “elephantine” to express the same idea with greater rhetorical effect.

French, German, Italian, Spanish, and other lan- guages spoken in wine-growing countries also have ex- tensive wine vocabularies that cover scientific-technical, common descriptive, and evaluative meanings. Vocabu- laries for beer, coffee, and tea have many parallels, and even share many of the same words (for example, “rich,” “light,” “deep”).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Ackerman, Diane. A Natural History of the Senses. New York:

Vintage, 1991.

Amerine, M. A., E. B. Roessler, and F. Filipello. “Modern Sen- sory Methods of Evaluating Wine.” Hilgardia: A Journal of

Agricultural Science Published by the California Agricultural

Experiment Station 28, 18 (June 1959): 177–567.

Cook’s and Diner’s Dictionary: A Lexicon of Food, Wine, and Culi-

nary Terms. New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1968.

Fellbaum, Christiane, and Judy Kegl. “Taxonomic Structure and Object Deletion in the English Verbal System.” In Pro-

ENCYCLOPEDIA OF FOOD AND CULTURE

ceedings of the Sixth Eastern States Conference on Linguistics,

edited by K. deJong and Y. No, pp. 94-103. Columbus: Ohio State University, 1989.

Lehrer, Adrienne. Semantic Fields and Lexical Structure. Amster-

dam: North Holland, 1974.

Lehrer, Adrienne. Wine and Conversation. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1983.

Longman Lexicon of Contemporary English. Burnt Mill, Harlow,

Essex, U.K.: Longman, 1981.

Rosch, Eleanor. “Principles of Categorization.” In Cognition and Categorization, edited by E. Rosch and L. Lloyd. Hillsdale, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1978.

Steiman, Harvey. Essentials of Wine. Philadelphia: Wine Spec- tator Press, 2000.

Adrienne Lehrer

LAPPS. The Sami (Lapps) are a native minority of northern Norway, Sweden, Finland, and the Kola Penin- sula in Russia. Their territory was once much larger than it is today, especially in Finland. The Sami land is not homogeneous, but is divided into different ecological zones ranging from the coast of the Arctic Sea via the high mountains of Scandinavia to the northern forests. From a historical perspective, this territory supports var- ious types of economies, with a focus on reindeer breed- ing, reindeer hunting, hunting combined with fishing in the sea and in lakes (in some regions combined with small farms), or pursuit of sea mammals. It is also important to connect the economy to different types of consumption with the emphasis on reindeer meat or milk, game and fish, and seal. Vegetables, berries such as cloudberries, bilberries, and lingonberries, and (infrequently) bread can also be seen as complements. Mercantile goods like flour, coffee, liquor, and horse meat, complete the picture.

The transition from hunters and fishers to reindeer herders began at different times in different parts of the widespread Sami territory. For example, the Sami prac- tice of reindeer hunting combined with a nomadic life- style has existed in Sweden ever since the end of the Middle Ages.

The reindeer has long been the comprehensive sym- bol of Sami food culture, and today reindeer meat is ex- ploited by restaurant culture of the Nordic countries, outside of the Sami territory. There one can find it on menus as roast reindeer (for example, under the name of suovas) or as small pieces of meat in a sauce with mashed potatoes and lingonberry (renskav).

Formerly the Sami used almost every part of the rein- deer as food, including viscera, minced and cooked ud- der, hooves, and the brain (as an ingredient in bread). Reindeer cheese was once considered a delicacy, even as a commercial product, as were the tongue and heart. Rein- deer milk could also be mixed with angelica and sorrel.

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