THE TABLET
THE INTERNATIONAL CATHOLIC WEEKLY Founded in 1840
LESSONS FROM EALING T he Catholic Church in England and Wales has a sys-
tem of child protection for which it was praised by Benedict XVI during the papal visit to Britain last year. But its reputation has been sullied by what has
gone on inside institutions such as schools run by religious orders which are outside the jurisdiction of Catholic dio cesan bishops. The Benedictine abbey at Ealing in west London is a case in point. A series of allegations of abuse –some of which have led to criminal convictions – committed by members of staff against pupils of the adjoining school caused the abbey authorities to commission a report from the distinguished QC Lord Carlile. But it should never have come to that. Ealing Abbey is a microcosm of the scandal of child abuse
in the wider Church. Many factors were present that allowed the abuse to go on unchecked over decades. A blind eye was turned to the fact that some teachers appeared to gain sexual gratification from inflicting excessive corporal punishment, which was somehow thought to be less serious than other forms of molestation. Reports of abuse carried out by monks who were highly regarded by their colleagues were not believed, even when their proclivities were well known among the pupils. The Benedictine community’s loyalty to its members took precedence over the needs of victims. Some alleged abusers remained living in the adjacent monastery, albeit while restricted from contact with minors. No proper procedure for the inde- pendent investigation of complaints existed. A former abbot, Fr Laurence Soper, against whom allegations of abuse had been made to the police, has since skipped bail and disappeared.
Behind it all was a conflict of interest, in that the monastic
community which owned and ran the school, and was there- fore responsible for safeguarding its pupils, was the same community to which those teachers who were monks belonged. Lord Carlile strongly recommends that the two roles be divided, under separate charitable trusts. With this qualification, he found that safeguarding practices at the school were satisfactory. This nevertheless leaves unanswered one key question –should institutions run by religious orders be allowed to remain out- side the child protection diocesan regime under the authority of the bishops? With two branches of safeguarding in the Church – one under the diocesan structure and the other under the Conference of Religious – there is room for complication and confusion. Religious orders cannot be left to their own devices. The general public, including Catholics, are rightly disgusted
by child abuse in the Catholic Church. This reaction is only increased when they hear of cases where the Church seems to want to hide behind legal technicalities. In a recent Portsmouth case, it was argued in court that a priest abuser was not an employee and hence that the Church should escape liability for compensation. Mgr Charles Scicluna of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith has called on all parts of the Church to observe 10 sensible principles in deal- ing with child protection. The priority must be “to ensure that the principles of justice are fully respected, and above all, to bring healing to the victims and all those affected”. In Ealing, Portsmouth and elsewhere, justice and healing for the victims of child abuse in the Catholic Church must be the priority.
SOUR END TO LA DOLCE VITA I
talian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi’s downfall may yet bring with it the downfall of the Italian economy, with incalculable consequences for the rest of the world. The news that he had lost his majority in the Italian
Parliament this week coincided with a crisis of confidence in the Italians’ ability to finance their budget deficit. Interest rates soared as lenders demanded a premium because of the increased risk of default, to the point where borrowing was becoming prohibitively expensive. As the downward spiral – loss of con- fidence, high interest rates, leading to more loss of confidence – accelerated, national bankruptcy seemed more and more likely. Lack of financial confidence and lack of confidence in Mr Berlusconi’s political management skills are closely related. He has survived by a mixture of bravado, bullying of oppo- nents, manipulation of the media, and an ability to duck and weave his way out of sexual scandals. But the charmed life is over – for him, and for his country. For Italians, the post- Berlusconi world will be a harsh one. An emergency package of austerity measures is being rushed through the Italian Parliament, allowed through only on the basis that Mr Berlusconi resigns afterwards. Thus Italy will join Greece and Ireland in facing a cruel economic paradox. They need growth to repay their debts. They need austerity to live within their means. But the requirements of austerity –cuts in spending – and the requirements for growth – a healthy level of domes- tic demand –pull in opposite directions. With the International Monetary Fund and the European Central Bank in charge, austerity takes precedence. It is a miserable prospect.
2 | THE TABLET | 12 November 2011
Italy needs a prime minister it can trust again, not one to dazzle or shock it with the swirl of salacious gossip that sur- rounded the Berlusconi regime. Some commentators, trying to understand how he lasted so long, have pointed to the ambiva- lent role of the Catholic Church. In southern Europe, the Church instinctively looks towards conservative politicians as the most likely to uphold traditional family values. Parties of the Left, though they may espouse social justice issues with which the Church can identify, are marked by secularising or even anti- clerical tendencies including the desire to combat the Church’s influence on issues of sexual morality. From the Vatican’s point of view, to paraphrase an old American saying, Mr Berlusconi may be “a damned rascal, but he’s our damned rascal”. It was a Faustian pact nevertheless, which brings the Church no credit. The concept of morality in Italian public life has suffered severe damage under Mr Berlusconi, and the loss of trust may do permanent harm. He has done nothing for family values except mock them. Italy is only the latest instalment of the European Union’s
annus horribilis, which may yet claim further victims if the contagion spreads. A Greek debt default could have been manageable, but an Italian one could call in question the economies of France and Spain and destroy confidence in the entire eurozone project. On the other hand, an Italian recov- ery from this low point under new leadership could turn the tide more generally. It remains to be seen whether Mr Berlusconi has debauched Italy’s political culture beyond repair, or whether its liberation from his influence can bring forth something new.
Page 1 |
Page 2 |
Page 3 |
Page 4 |
Page 5 |
Page 6 |
Page 7 |
Page 8 |
Page 9 |
Page 10 |
Page 11 |
Page 12 |
Page 13 |
Page 14 |
Page 15 |
Page 16 |
Page 17 |
Page 18 |
Page 19 |
Page 20 |
Page 21 |
Page 22 |
Page 23 |
Page 24 |
Page 25 |
Page 26 |
Page 27 |
Page 28 |
Page 29 |
Page 30 |
Page 31 |
Page 32 |
Page 33 |
Page 34 |
Page 35 |
Page 36 |
Page 37 |
Page 38 |
Page 39 |
Page 40